Thursday, July 28, 2011

WHCU -AM, July 26, 2011, Tuesday

WHCU -AM

July 26, 2011, Tuesday

WHCU-AM (podcast)

Debt Ceiling Negotiations

Cornell Professor of labor relations and conflict resolution Alex Colvin tells us whether he thinks the current negotiations over the nation's borrowing limit are filled with political gamesmanship.

The New York Times, July 26, 2011, Tuesday

The New York Times

July 26, 2011, Tuesday

The New York Times (full article)

Avoiding the Next Sports Lockout


By GEORGE YORGAKAROS

George Yorgakaros is a 2011 graduate of the Cornell School of Industrial and Labor Relations.

ON Monday the owners and players of the National Football League finally came to a revenue-sharing agreement, narrowly avoiding the cancellation of the 2011-12 season. Had the season been canceled, one study estimated, the economic hit could have been as high as $160 million and 3,000 lost jobs to each home-team city.

Given the high stakes involved in professional sports negotiations, it’s unlikely that we’ve seen the last owner-athlete labor dispute — indeed, there’s already a lockout in the National Basketball Association. But if we can’t prevent another lockout, there is a way to drastically reduce the risk of harm to the industry, fans and sports-dependent cities: change the rules of the pro-sports negotiating game.

Times Union, July 20, 2011, Wednesday

Times Union

July 20, 2011, Wednesday

Times Union (full article)

For state, labor deals fall short

Achieving that portion of the $302 million "presumes that Cuomo will be able to knock out State Police, correctional officers and other unionized employees with three zeros," said Lee Adler, who teaches public sector collective bargaining and labor law at Cornell University's ILR School, referring to the lack of salary increases.

The Atlantic.com, July 20, 2011, Wednesday

The Atlantic.com

July 20, 2011, Wednesday

The Atlantic.com (full article)

The Case for Making Wages Public: Better Pay, Better Workers

Linda Barrington, an economist and Managing Director of the Institute for Compensation Studies at Cornell University's School of Industrial and Labor relations, worries that wage transparency in some groups but not others widens inequality. In fact, this could be part of the reason for why CEO compensation has risen by so much while the pay of most other workers has risen by so little.

Denver Post, July 19, 2011, Tuesday

Denver Post

July 19, 2011, Tuesday

Denver Post (full article)

Statement by the United Food and Commercial Workers International Union Regarding the Proposed NLRB Rule to Modernize the Union Election Process

“This fact is supported by a recent study by Professors Kate Bronfenbrenner of Cornell and Dorian Warren of Columbia, both of whom will address this panel later today. Their research shows that 'Thirty-one percent of serious [unfair labor practice] violations occurred 30 days before the petition was filed and 47 percent of all serious allegations occurred before the petition was filed.' The data support their conclusion that employer 'opposition starts long before the filing of the petition.' UFCW organizers have long known and experienced this first-hand many times.

Times Union, July 19, 2011, Tuesday

Times Union

July 19, 2011, Tuesday

Times Union (full article)

Needs collide in pact offer

Both unions will have to grapple with the competing needs of internal factions. At one end of the spectrum are veteran state employees, who are not used to concessions such as furloughs, three years without raises and higher health insurance premiums that will result in lower take-home pay for many. "There will be some workers who feel that way -- why should they give something so someone else can keep their job?" observed Rebecca Givan, assistant professor of collective bargaining at Cornell University.

The Post-Standard, July 17, 2011, Sunday

The Post-Standard

July 17, 2011, Sunday

The Post-Standard (full article)

Starting Young; 20-Something Ithaca Councilors Attend White House Summit

Last month, Eddie Rooker, 23, traveled to Washington, D.C., to visit now-President Barack Obama at the White House through the Young Elected Officials Network, a project of the progressive People For the American Way Foundation.

Eddie Rooker graduated from Weedsport Jr.-Sr. High School in 2006.

Rooker, who studied labor relations at Cornell, was elected last year. The council serves an area that supports three colleges.

Contact Alaina Potrikus at 470-3252 or apotrikus@syracuse.com.

Friday, July 15, 2011

Human Resource Executive Online, July 12, 2011, Tuesday

Human Resource Executive Online

July 12, 2011, Tuesday

Human Resource Executive Online

Strategic Resolve

Conflict resolution is entering a whole new strategic domain, which means HR needs to get better at detecting and discussing the battles that really matter.

By Kristen B. Frasch


Several years ago, when GTSI Corp. in Herndon, Va., added a professional-services capability to its core business as a reseller of technology products, Bridget Atkinson, chief human capital officer, suddenly found she had her hands full.

Her company had decided to expand from a products-focused organization into a products-and-professional-services company by creating a new unit devoted solely to services. Simple enough.

Revenue and margin targets were assigned to the sales group as well as to the new professional-services organization. Sales would own the customer relationship and would try to create each client's additional consulting and support-services account. Once the business was booked, professional services would take over and deliver said services to the clients.

What could go wrong?

Plenty, Atkinson soon learned.

Communications started breaking down. The sales team wasn't including services in the initial scoping and selling of said services, but the latter still had to deliver on promises they were never consulted on. Some services were being oversold, with no realistic way for the new unit to deliver. Sales reps were sometimes throwing services in for free so the latter couldn't bill for the time and record the revenue.

Imagine the ruffled feathers when, "although both organizations were held accountable for driving the revenue number, only one -- sales -- was in control of actually identifying and capturing the new business," says Atkinson. Accusations between sales and services teams flew back and forth, each claiming the other was to blame for service's eroding margins.

"There was enormous conflict between the two sides of the house," she says. "I, personally, was getting tired of hearing from them."

Luckily for GTSI, Atkinson -- author of a 2007 article published by Aspatore Books, entitled Workplace Conflict Resolution: Tips to Effectively Manage Workplace Conflict and a 2008 Human Resource Executive® HR Honor Roll recipient -- understood her business enough to be able to walk into the hornets' nest and determine the source of the problem.

Luckily, she knew her company's strategic goals well enough to articulate in a meaningful way what wasn't working -- and what could be done to remedy the situation and achieve them.

And luckily for her company, that knowledge and articulation had earned her enough trust and respect from the CEO, line leaders and employees that they all listened to her when she suggested -- in the interest of making their new business opportunity work -- that they sit down and start a conversation.

Guided by Atkinson and her HR team, both sides "were able to start to build a bridge ... and a road map to improvement," she says. They now get together regularly and share differing perspectives. They have ongoing coaching sessions. "We've heard far fewer negatives," she says, and the revenue and margin targets are now being met.

Unfortunately, many companies lack an HR leader such as Bridget Atkinson who is capable of turning a conflict like this around. One recent study by the Centre for Effective Dispute Resolution in London, entitled Tough Times, Tough Talk, found a measly 16 percent of 1,000 U.K. workers believe HR is best suited to resolve conflicts in the workplace.

Conflict-resolution experts say those figures are comparable to sentiments in the United States -- where, as Ilene Gochman, senior consultant at New York-based Towers Watson, says, many employers she works with are responding to employee-engagement problems by "training managers and employees in conflict resolution, not by referring employees to HR."

This isn't necessarily a bad thing if the issue is one that should be handled by a manager, say experts, but HR is missing the boat on the bigger, business-centric conflicts as well.

Part of HR's black marks have to do with employees' perceptions that HR professionals are simply mouthpieces for top management -- not people you can trust with your problems, some experts say. David Lipsky, Anne Evans Estabrook Professor of Dispute Resolution at Cornell University's ILR School and director of the school's Scheinman Institute on Conflict Resolution, says there's a reason for that perception -- some of it even based in reality.

"It's extremely difficult for HR to be impartial," he says. "It's HR's job to uphold the systems and processes in place at a company. It's impossible to believe in the policies and do your best to implement them, and then be an objective bystander when problems arise and people start questioning them" or one another.

"It's fair to say HR is not equipped to handle the full complement of conflicts that may affect an organization," says Lipsky, but that doesn't mean HR has no role in addressing them. It all comes down to knowing when to step in for the good of the business.

Mark A. Hyde, a conflict counselor and the employee-assistance-program manager for the Rochester, Minn.-based Mayo Clinic, agrees HR needs to do a better job of knowing what conflicts not to get involved in, such as "run-of-the-mill weekly complaints" that managers should really handle or one-on-one employee or employee-manager disputes in which HR simply can't be neutral or objective. (See sidebar.)

In addition to not choosing the right fights, say experts, another problem lies in what HR graduates are taught in school and how they're trained. For them to become truly trusted in conflict management, says Lipsky, the training needs to extend well beyond mediation and personal disputes, where, all too often, the mediator "creates situations where people are playing zero-sum games with one another" -- i.e., if something's granted to one, it's taken away from another.

HR professionals, he says, need to be trained "to embrace conflict as something that can move an organization forward" and they need to serve more as catalysts who can "stimulate a larger -- sometimes difficult -- corporate conversation so it's not competitive.

This might involve conflicts between departments, between employees and management ... there are different categories and levels," he says, and HR professionals need to understand them and know when the breakdown requires them to act.

In that enhanced role, he adds, they should also train managers to embrace conflict similarly and to evaluate them on their ability to do so.

The key to improving all these skills, say Lipsky, Atkinson and other practitioners and experts, is in knowing the business and its people so well that you can identify and even anticipate problems -- be they lower-level eruptions or top strategic boilermakers -- before they come knocking on HR's door or someone else's.

"If you've learned the business, you can understand and detect the problems," says Atkinson. "If you've already established trust with top leaders, through business knowledge and the courage to speak up, even in the most top-level [potentially business-damaging] disputes, you can get them to really tackle the tough, higher-level problems" and come out on the other side with effective, business-saving solutions.

Not only will this trust in HR -- coupled with HR's willingness to proactively tap into and tackle business problems -- help your company, she and others say; it will also help elevate HR to that long-coveted and confoundedly elusive next level.

In the words of Jim Camp, president and CEO of Dublin, Ohio-based Camp Negotiation Systems and author of Start with No: "There's no way HR leaders will ever become strategic leaders without the most sophisticated negotiating skills. I believe that someone, somehow, has got to create the vision for HR leaders that they're putting themselves and their profession in a bad place without these skills."

"Pouring Fuel on the Fire"

In his book, Camp describes how the "win-win" compromise method of conflict resolution, often taught to law-school and business-school freshmen, isn't just ineffective when used by HR professionals; it can be downright disastrous. In his experience, he writes, "I quickly learned that it's all too often win-lose," because on one side of the negotiating table is a tiger who won't budge and on the other is someone who gave in. "The promise is just manipulation," he writes. "It's all double-talk."

Most of the messes Camp is called on to clean up in his consulting work as a negotiating coach were created by HR professionals who "learned compromise-based bargaining," he says. "They think it's their job to broker a deal. And because of that mind-set, they're pouring fuel on the fire."

In one recent case, Camp was asked to help a company out of profoundly sticky wicket involving an HR professional who had offered a severance package of $600,000 to an employee who had come to HR complaining of sexual harassment by a supervisor and was ready to quit.

"This HR person was actually making an offer of settlement [instead of launching an investigation] that put the company in a bargaining position," Camp says. "An attorney saw the dollar signs attached to the case -- an easy argument that his client was offered [shut-up money] -- and that person turned around and sued the company for $6 million." Clearly, legal training was just as lacking as conflict-resolution skills in this particular incident.

The case has since been settled and Camp wouldn't divulge details, but he did say the incident was "just one of many cases I get from company leaders who come to me saying, 'I need your help. My HR people are going to cost me a fortune.' "

Moreover, he says, "I know a lot of CEOs who don't trust their HR people because they lack good, strategic negotiating skills and can't articulate solutions in terms of thoughts, ideas, concepts, corporate missions, long-term goals ... the stuff that gets a CEO's attention."

Part of truly negotiating, he adds, is "not backing down, not compromising; if you want to resolve conflict, you need to have a vision for the business and the self-confidence to argue that vision [as part of a negotiating discussion] with your CEO and other top leaders."

Greg Smith, executive vice president of human resources for New York-based Denihan Hospitality Group, did just that back in 2008 after his company acquired New York-based James Hotels and brought 13 new senior leaders into the ranks of top management. Already exacerbated by the recession, tensions were mounting between James executives, known more for taking risks, and Denihan leaders, who were considered more risk averse, says Smith.

"People in the C-suite were making power plays, quietly trying to establish how far their authority would go, pushing for their way to be the right way," he says.

There were layoffs at the now-1,925-employee organization, disagreements over what skills and competencies were needed to move forward -- such that managers were at loggerheads over hiring and promotion decisions, and morale was sinking (evidenced by the atmosphere and engagement surveys, says Smith).

Making matters worse, many top leaders who could see the trouble were reluctant to speak up in the newly merged company, still reeling from the cultural changes brought on by previous acquisitions in 2006 and 2007. "Everyone was afraid of stepping on somebody else's toes," says Brooke Barrett, co-CEO along with Patrick Denihan, "so no one was really communicating" about the decisions that had to be made around customer service, talent management, pay and benefits -- basically, every detail involved in bringing cultures together.

Something had to be done to "preserve the family-business culture of treating others with respect, integrity and genuineness," says Barrett, while continuing to hold people accountable. Although many noticed the problem, Smith says he was the one who "was pretty loud and out front in saying we had to do something about it."

A member of Denihan's advisory board, Michele Darling -- president of Mississauga, Ontario-based HR consultancy Michele Darling and Associates and former executive vice president of corporate governance and human resources for Prudential Insurance Co. -- steered them to a process called Strength Deployment Inventory, which focuses on self-assessment and relationship awareness as keys to understanding motives behind behaviors.

Each member of the senior leadership team filled out extensive assessments and were then guided by Darling, through coaching and counseling sessions, to examine how each of them obtains, processes and presents information.

Everyone, says Darling, "had their own personal styles -- how they behaved when things were going well versus how they behaved when things were going less well." From that self-discovery, she says, they developed skills for resolving conflicts early on. "The longer you wait," she says, "the more problems you have."

Now, says Barrett, "I see how I approach problems wanting the facts, whereas Greg wants to get things done. It really helped us to understand where the other person was coming from."

Smith says he can now get things done more quickly because he's "more familiar with how Brooke collects facts and processes them."

But Smith and Barrett are just one example of what worked at Denihan. Darling describes two other disputing leaders who, after going through the SDI process with her and exploring one another's needs and motivations, came to a "moment when they both realized how much they had in common" and could actually help each other reach their business goals. Smith says he knows of many similar stories.

Though only the senior leaders at Denihan have gone through SDI, the feedback -- including survey scores -- indicate "we are all getting quicker in our decision-making," he says. (The company is now looking to roll out the SDI program companywide.)

Conflict, says Smith, is hardly a simple or soft business issue. "Confrontations, faced head-on, are good things, strategic tools that increase the stability and ability of your leadership team; they're moments to move a company forward," he says. "Everyone here wanted their way to be the way the organization would eventually go, without being open to a more collective, collaborative notion of change.

"It was my job to help senior leaders have those conversations," he says. "I'm not an expert in finance or any other [non-HR] function, but I can't be effective in my job if I don't understand those leaders and functions in an intimate way and know when and why they're in conflict.

"It's not my job to lead them to outcomes," Smith adds. "It's not even my job to predict outcomes. It is my job to be able to converse with all these smart people and get them to converse with each other about what their issues and conflicts are. Then, it's my job to follow up and constantly ask, 'Where are we with this?' and to know when the organization is veering into a 'backslide' " and needs to go at it again.

Strategic Problem-Solving

Detecting those problems and gaining an organization's trust in handling them means HR needs to engage in more of "the old management-by-walking-around concept," says Peter Hiddema, founder and CEO of Common Outlook Consulting Inc. in Toronto.

That, he says, and making sure people don't perceive their HR executives as having "skin in the game" -- a.k.a., a reason for wanting a certain outcome -- when they do choose to speak up and address a problem.

Such was the case with one of his clients -- a chief human resource officer for a multinational insurance company -- who knew enough about her business and its ambitious new growth goals to see they weren't going to be realized if management didn't start treating employees differently.

The CHRO had been hearing from both sides -- managers who were experiencing problems getting projects into the pipeline in a timely way, and employees who felt like too many meaningless meetings were being scheduled. What's more, employees "thought there was insufficient prioritization," says Hiddema, "and when they asked managers to prioritize the added work, they were told it was all important.

"So the workers said, 'OK, then, we need more money for more people,' and they were told 'No.' " Essentially, employees were feeling overworked, over-scheduled and not listened to when their feelings were expressed. Suffice it to say, morale was low.

The CHRO, says Hiddema, was the catalyst for change because she was "able to make the business case to the CEO and senior leaders, saying, 'We [in HR] don't think you're going to get your goals met if you don't get some help in here.' "

She "had the guts and courage and knowledge of the business to be able to go to the CEO and senior leaders and say, 'You have a problem that will affect your strategic plans.' " More importantly, he adds, she knew what those goals were and how the morale problem would interfere.

At the meeting, which Hiddema assisted in, everything was aired, collectively. Though more meetings are in the works, changes in programs and policies have already been implemented. A new model for managing meetings has been introduced whereby invitees are instructed to decline a meeting invitation if it doesn't contain "identified and defined goals and philosophies, and an explicit list of who all is invited and why," says Hiddema.

Morale and productivity, he adds, are already on the upswing.

What works in a situation such as this goes beyond a CHRO having the knowledge and guts to bring a workforce dispute to the C-suite. It also reflects what Jackie Greaner -- talent-management and organizational-alignment, North America practice leader for Towers Watson -- considers HR's much-needed ability to establish more objective, forthright relationships with top managers so those difficult conversations can happen.

"There are many of us in the consulting realm," she says, "who think HR is just wanting to be friends with their top leaders. If HR is there to serve [top leaders'] best interests, HR cannot be their best friends."

Like Hiddema, Greaner also stresses the importance of detecting problems by "walking the floor."

"If you're an HR leader and you're seeing behaviors in your workforce that aren't productive" at any level, C-suite or otherwise, "go in there and spark the discussion about the things people should be talking about, not what you think they want to hear."

Can HR achieve this higher form of proactive conflict resolution, this mediation to move the business along, this "right kind of win-win," says Lipsky, "where everyone really is a winner because everyone learns" from the difficult process?

So far, he says, only a handful of organizations -- such as GE, Raytheon, PECO Energy and Prudential -- have the CEOs and CHROs and other senior leaders who "recognize the importance, and the strategic view, of conflict resolution" -- and the part HR can and should play.

"But yes, I do think the next wave of what happens in HR ... won't just be confined to these few organizations. If more go through the process [that Denihan Hospitality and GTSI did], they'll see, too, how people and functions in conflict around a business problem can come to an understanding and find they actually have a lot in common and can help each other achieve their goals.

"This isn't just 'pie-in-the-sky' stuff," Lipsky says. "We're not making this stuff up. You see it operating in organizations already, just not enough of them. It's not an easy path, necessarily, but it's where businesses do need to go."

Louisville Courier-Journal, July 11, 2011, Monday

Louisville Courier-Journal

July 11, 2011, Monday

Louisville Courier-Journal

Louisville Orchestra offer hits sour note with players

The discord between the Louisville Orchestra and its musicians reached new levels Monday as the players said they would unanimously reject a blunt offer from the orchestra's management to perform on a “per-service model” or risk losing their positions.

In a six-page certified letter sent to each musician last week, orchestra CEO Robert Birman outlined a schedule of performances and rehearsals running from September through April and asked the players to indicate which ones they were willing to work.

According to the letter, if musicians do not respond by Wednesday, it “will be treated as a voluntary refusal to work.” Birman added that in such an event, “the Louisville Orchestra will take whatever steps are legally appropriate to fill your position.”

But Kim Tichenor, a violinist and the chairwoman of the players' negotiating committee, said Monday that the musicians would not agree to those terms.

“We're not planning to turn in the letters that we had received,” Tichenor said. She added that the musicians are still working on an official response to the orchestra's management.

The orchestra filed for Chapter 11 bankruptcy in December and is working through reorganization plans in federal bankruptcy court. It and the musicians have not had a contract since their previous collective bargaining agreement expired May 31.

Although Birman said Monday that the orchestra would continue to negotiate a new contract with the musicians, the proposal in his letter covers the 2011-12 season.

In negotiations, management has sought to cut the number of working weeks from 37 to 30 and fundamentally change how musicians' contracts are structured. It has proposed to employ 71 musicians, but under a staggered system in which only 40 would work the full 30 weeks. The other musicians would be employed for either 10 or 20 weeks per year.

The musicians disapprove of that plan.

Birman's letter states that a musician who indicates a willingness to perform but has an unexcused absence will lose his or her job because of “abandonment of your employment.”

The “end note” in the letter that Louisville Orchestra CEO Rob Birman sent musicians last week indicates that rather than a salary, musicians’ would be paid for any of the 159 rehearsals or performances for which they are chosen to work. For each, which are scheduled to last two and a half hours, a musician would receive $115.62. If a musician were selected to perform all 159 services offered, he or she would receive $18,383.58, and no benefits.

In May, orchestra management had offered the musicians a contract with three tiers of pay associated with specific amounts of work. Under its terms, musicians who work 30 weeks would receive $27,748 per year. Those working 20 weeks would bring home $18,499, and those under the 10-week contract would earn $9,250.

Under their former contract, the musicians received a base pay of $34,200 annually, along with a benefits package.

Although the musicians appeared ready to dismiss the offer this week, the orchestra's labor attorney, James U. Smith III, emphasized Monday what could happen if they don't agree to it.

“We could cancel performances. We could seek to hire musicians to play,” he said. “We haven't decided on a specific course of action.”

Richard Hurd, a professor of labor relations at Cornell University, said the letter — sent directly to the musicians and not through the players' association — could cause a profound power shift in the relationship between the sides.

“This really gives management tremendous control over the operation of the orchestra for a year because it lists every performance and rehearsal for the next year,” he said.

Under federal labor law, management is not allowed to offer to deal directly with union members — unless it clearly has the union's permission.

In a conference call Monday, Birman and Smith said a June 16 letter from Tichenor provided that permission. Tichenor said Monday that the orchestra was taking the letter out of context.

The letter was part of a series of correspondence discussing how the two sides might perform the scheduled summer concerts without a collective bargaining agreement in place, according to Smith.

“It is up to the individual musicians to decide whether to accept or reject your offer of work,” Tichenor wrote in the letter, which was copied to Irwin H. Cutler, the attorney representing the musician's union, and Joe Spain, president of Louisville Federation of Musicians Local 11-637.

Hurd said the musicians could contend that Tichenor's written statement was wrongly interpreted.

“If management is overstepping whatever agreement it had with the union, the union could file a complaint” to the National Labor Relations Board, he said, adding that whether the board upholds it would depend on the discussions that have gone on between the union and management.

Cutler said the musicians have no plans to file a complaint with the labor board but it would “be something we would have to look into.”

Instead, Cutler questioned whether the nature of the work offered is suitable for the caliber of the orchestra's musicians — or even whether it meets industry standards, “with no benefits, no pension contributions, no health insurance, no instrument insurance.”

Meanwhile, representatives from both sides said they want to continue negotiations to reach a collective bargaining agreement.

Last week, both parties met with a federal mediator appointed by the Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service, a move that U.S. Bankruptcy Judge David T. Stosberg encouraged during the most recent bankruptcy hearing two weeks ago.

Hurd emphasized that the mediator's role is to work to improve communication between the sides.

“If the two sides are totally locked into their positions and totally unwilling to ever change, then a mediator's worthless,” he added.

He said that an arbitrator could be brought in for a contract dispute like this only if both sides agreed that he or she would decide the outcome, which he said appears unlikely in this situation.

“But they are in bankruptcy court and that does change things, since the bankruptcy court has power to make things happen … ,” Hurd said. “The judge's decisions are based on the economics.”

Drew McManus, a Chicago-based consultant who has worked with orchestras across the country, said he thinks the letter is one indication that “any kind of resolution in a quick sense” is even more unlikely than before.

“There is no good outcome,” he said. “There's just the conversation of how bad will it be when it's done.”

McManus even speculated that there might not be a 2011-12 season.

“Then it's real easy for an organization to drop out of everyone's minds — not just ticket buyers, but the larger community as well,” he said.

Reporter Elizabeth Kramer can be reached at (502) 582-4682.

MSNBC.com, July 10, 2011, Sunday

MSNBC.com

July 10, 2011, Sunday

MSNBC.com

10 middle-class jobs that are rapidly vanishing

Travel agents, proofreaders, transit security all are seeing big declines
Below:

“The American dream is dead for the majority of America,” financial guru Suze Orman told Forbes last year, speaking about her upcoming book "The Money Class."

The dream she was referring to isn’t a Cinderella story. Rather, Orman believes the hope of someday owning a home, of working one job for life and retiring at 65 has been crushed by the financial crisis. “The middle class has disappeared,” she said. “Many of the millions of jobs lost I don’t think are coming back. I am really afraid for the majority of Americans today.”

Are stable, well-paying middle-class jobs an endangered species? Economists say: Sort of.

“The idea that one can have a single-earner family, get a good job, keep it for life and have a comfortable living is all but gone,” says Kevin Hallock, professor of labor economics and director of the Institute for Compensation Studies at Cornell University. “Long-term job stability is declining, and there aren’t good unionized jobs like there once were.”

The recession may have just complicated and compounded what was already occurring. Generally, jobs are disappearing where there’s been a technological advance — “where a human was doing something, now a technology is doing it" — or a change in the way that organizations function, says Hallock. And not only are old-fashioned assembly line jobs on the decline, several white-collar office positions are also in jeopardy.

“There has been some long-term decline in middle-income jobs,” says Harry Holzer, Georgetown University economist and co-author of "Where Are All The Good Jobs Going." “Specifically, it’s good-paying production and clerical jobs that are disappearing.”

Holzer is quick to say that though there has been “shrinkage,” he remains confident that there are many good jobs in the middle — they may just look different.

New technology has gradually cut into many steady jobs that had previously been critical to the market. Clerical occupations are shrinking fast, as companies tighten budgets and easy-to-use software enables workers to do their own administrative tasks. According to data provided by Moody’s, nearly 300,000 office and administrative support positions gradually disappeared in the five years before 2009, and the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics projects continued contraction throughout the next decade.

Because over 20 million people count on clerical work, the vanishing act is a major blow to the middle, but there are other more niche positions that are also on the chopping block. Internet travel sites have essentially erased the need for travel agents, an occupation which declined by 14 percent and 12,500 jobs in the last five years for which data is available. Similarly, proofreaders — generally highly skilled workers with a four-year college degree — were once vital to publications and communications departments. These positions shriveled by 31 percent, likely due to advanced software, Holzer says.


“Having a college diploma doesn’t make you immune to the shifts in the labor market,” notes Holzer. “It is a testament to the churning in the U.S. market.”

Educated and skilled professionals sometimes fall victim to structural changes in their sectors. Broadcast news analysts and advertising and promotions managers experienced five-year declines of 16 percent and 33 percent respectively. The adjustment follows a wide-spread media transition to online content and shrinking advertising revenue and budgets. Likewise, agricultural engineering jobs contracted by 18 percent, despite the general demand for engineers, because agriculture is a declining sector.

Economists hope these changes will result in creative destruction — new middle-class jobs will emerge to balance out those that were lost. However, Hallock believes companies are still nervous about growing their ranks. “It’s expensive to hire and fire workers,” he says. “Companies are reluctant to hire now. It’s exacerbating the problem.”

AOL Jobs, July 8, 2011, Friday

AOL Jobs

July 8, 2011, Friday

AOL Jobs

Many American Workers Afraid to Take Vacation

By David Schepp

The culmination of the July 4 holiday frequently marks the beginning of the busy summer travel season in the U.S., and the time when many Americans plan to take time off from work.

The third quarter, which includes July, August and September, is by far the most popular travel time among Americans, according to AAA. Travel volume on average is more than 15 percent higher than in the final three months of the year, the next busiest quarter, the group says.

Though many U.S. workers at least plan to take vacation, the sputtering economic recovery means fewer are using the days allotted them. Citing financial constraints and demanding work schedules, some employees are forgoing vacation plans altogether, a recent CareerBuilder.com survey shows.

Nearly a quarter of full-time workers said they couldn't afford to take a vacation, up three percentage points from last year, while another 12 percent said that although they could afford to take a vacation, they had no plans to take one. Further, of those who planned to take vacation, 30 percent said that they would stay in contact with their employers while away.

Jonathan Theodore, an insurance consultant who runs his own business in Suffern, N.Y., says his growing business means he's traveling more for work, leaving less time for traditional week-long vacations.

But he and his family are compensating by taking shorter, more frequent trips. Those include a recent long weekend in Lake George, a resort in New York state's Adirondack Mountains that's about a three-hour drive from Theodore's home.

"It's hard to just take an entire week off," says Theodore, who is married and has a 4-year-old daughter. "But we also value our family time."

Instead of taking a week off, he says, the family can take three long weekends for about the same or less money, after factoring in costs for air travel and hotels.

Theodore's strategy can also be used to ensure employees use all the vacation days granted them by employers. CareerBuilder's survey showed that 16 percent of workers polled surrendered vacation days last year because they didn't feel they had time to use them.

By using up a day here and there, workers can ensure they use up their vacation days and not risk losing them, should their employer not permit them to be rolled over into the next year.

Americans' reluctance to take time off isn't just a product of their need to keep producing. It's also driven by lax regulations governing mandated time off from work.

The U.S. is only one of nine nations worldwide that doesn't require employers to provide annual paid leave, Mother Jones magazine recently noted. Many countries stipulate that companies grant employees at least two weeks paid leave, although others, including Russia, Australia, Sweden, Norway, Finland and much of Western Europe require workers to have four or more weeks each year.

The U.S. is also among only 16 nations that doesn't require a set amount of time off from week to week. Much of the world requires workers be given at least 24 hours off from their jobs, although a few require as much as 37 to 48 hours off.

Further, despite the passage of the Family and Medical Leave Act in 1993, which allows employees to take up to 12 weeks unpaid leave from work and still return to their jobs, the United States is only one of six nations that doesn't require paid maternity leave. By contrast, Russia mandates that women be given 140 days of paid maternity leave -- 70 days before and 70 days after birth, according to Catalyst.org.

Though paid time off of any form isn't required by federal law, many companies of course provide it as part of an overall benefits program because they want to.

In offering such benefits voluntarily, employers seek in part to fend off legislation mandating compensated leave, says Laura Hertzog, director of Human Capital Development Programs at Cornell University. Offering paid time off as a perk also gives companies the flexibility to withdraw the benefit if it becomes unworkable or too costly.

"Rather than rights, they're privileges," she says, which can be revoked at any time. And that may be never so true as today. With the nation's unemployment rate stuck stubbornly high, employers -- who have access to an ample pool of talent -- have little reason to offer additional perks.

Even after the economy improves, there's little reason to expect the U.S. to adopt laws mandating paid leave like those of other Western nations.

The current lack of political will or power means that "changes to employment policies in the United States are likely to be incremental," Hertzog says.

With many Americans too fearful of taking vacation, lest they find themselves without a job upon their return, laws mandating paid vacation and other time off might help to allay some of that concern. For now, however, there's no rest for the weary.

Buffalo News, July 8, 2011, Friday

Buffalo News

July 8, 2011, Friday

Buffalo News

American Axle pressures last local plant to cut costs

Company seeks new concessions to avoid shutdown

By Matt Glynn

American Axle & Manufacturing's Cheektowaga plant, the company's last remaining operation in the Buffalo Niagara region, is facing a threat to its survival.

The Detroit-based auto parts supplier is pushing for more labor cost reductions from the plant's hourly workers. The site has about 100 employees, including more than 60 people represented by the United Auto Workers.

Scott Adams, director of UAW Region 9, calls it "a real serious situation." More talks between the company and the union are expected next week, he said.

The workers' labor contract does not expire until February 2012, but the issue is already at the forefront. The company says it needs a "market-competitive agreement" for the Cheektowaga plant.

American Axle said it was unable to reach a deal with the UAW on just such an agreement for its Detroit plant, and announced it will close that facility when its labor contract expires in February. The company cited reduced demand for light trucks that use its parts, as well as a lack of new work to help cover the facility's operating costs.

Adams said the UAW has shown willingness to be flexible at the Walden Avenue gear-machining plant, to keep the site competitive. But he said American Axle, led by Richard Dauch, its co-founder, chairman and CEO, keeps pressing for more-extensive changes, such as lowering starting pay for workers to $10 an hour from the current $11.50 per hour.

"He's trying to put people in a poverty situation," Adams said.

Adams said the plant's workers have endured tough times in the industry, and are now being asked to accept more concessions. "These are people that are making a great, quality product," he said.

Christopher Son, an American Axle spokesman, said it was "premature" to comment on the Cheektowaga plant's long-range prospects.

"We have a contract agreement in place until Feb. 25, 2012," he said. "We are continuing to have discussions with the UAW International about the viability and sustainability of that facility."

As for the timing of the talks, months ahead of the current deal's expiration, Son said the company has a history of "being proactive in our discussions with the UAW."

The Cheektowaga plant was born when local union and management officials from American Axle's Town of Tonawanda forge persuaded the company to bring "in house" some machining work being handled for the forge by an outside contractor. American Axle poured about $40 million into acquiring and equipping a vacant former Builders Square store. The project was hailed as an innovative approach for adding manufacturing jobs.

The plant, which adopted a lower-cost labor structure, was announced in 1999 and began operating the following year. At the time of the site's debut, American Axle's other two other local plants, in Buffalo and Tonawanda, had a combined 2,800 jobs.

But American Axle's local presence has shrunk dramatically in the past few years. Both the Tonawanda and Buffalo plants were closed.

Art Wheaton, an automotive industry expert at the Cornell University School of Industrial and Labor Relations in Buffalo, said the situation "doesn't look very promising" for the Cheektowaga plant.

"I'm not sure they're going to come to an agreement," he said. "I hope they do."

American Axle has increasingly shifted its production outside the United States, to places such as Mexico. At the same time, Wheaton said, the company has put more pressure on workers at its remaining U.S. operations to accept reduced compensation.

mglynn@buffnews.com

The Moral Liberal, July 5, 2011, Tuesday

The Moral Liberal

July 5, 2011, Tuesday

The Moral Liberal

Coming Soon: The Federal Department of Standardized Minds

Free Enterprise Zone, The Freeman, Neal McCluskey

The story of federal intervention in education is one of abject failure. Coming in large supply only since President Lyndon Johnson’s “Great Society,” Washington’s educational undertakings first resulted in billions of misspent dollars, then billions of misspent dollars coupled with increasingly rigid “accountability” rules. The result of both phases has been squandered funds and academic stagnation. But rather than accepting the lesson that centralized control of education is doomed to failure, inside-the-Beltway educationists are doubling down, pushing for a single national curriculum.

The proximate impetus for the current national standards push is the failure of the No Child Left Behind Act (NCLB). The law—a bipartisan 2002 reauthorization of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act—is intended to be all things to all federal politicians, a “no excuses” hammer against academic failure that also protects state and local school control. So the law demands that all states have standards and tests in mathematics, reading, and science; test all students on a regular basis in those subjects; and have all students make “adequate yearly progress” (AYP) toward 100 percent math and reading “proficiency” by 2014. However, it leaves it to states to write their own standards and tests and define “proficiency” for themselves.

The incentives for states are obvious: Set the lowest “proficiency” bars possible so they’re easy to vault and in so doing, stay out of trouble under the law, which institutes a cascade of punishments for schools or districts that fail to make AYP. It’s a structure that makes little logical sense but gives federal politicians the ability to simultaneously claim to be unforgiving on educational futility while also being staunch defenders of state and local control.

That these perverse incentives have been prevailing has been borne out in comparisons of state standards with those of the National Assessment of Educational Progress (NAEP), a federal testing regime that, in contrast to state testing under NCLB, is unlikely to be gamed because how a state or district performs on NAEP carries no rewards or punishments. Federal comparisons have shown that states had either set very low proficiency levels before NCLB or lowered them in response to the law. Indeed almost all states have set their proficiency marks equivalent to “basic” or below on NAEP tests.

This standards bottom-scraping, coupled with significant variation between states in their standards and proficiency measures, has energized the current national standards drive, which has been spearheaded by the National Governors Association (NGA), the Council of Chief State School Officers (CCSSO), and the right-leaning Thomas B. Fordham Institute. A major rationale for imposing national standards, as enunciated in the 2006 Fordham report To Dream the Impossible Dream: Four Approaches to National Standards and Tests for America’s Schools, is to “end the ‘Race to the Bottom’” set off by NCLB. If states have to use the same standards, advocates reason, they won’t be able to hide their poor performances behind differing proficiency definitions.

The result so far has been the creation of so-called “Common Core” standards, grade-by-grade benchmarks in mathematics and English Language Arts (ELA) created by the NGA and CCSSO, which were released in June 2010. States have already been coerced into adopting them by the Obama administration’s “Race to the Top” competition, a $4 billion, stimulus-funded beauty contest in which the federal government selected winners based on what it considered the prettiest state promises to initiate preferred reforms including adoption of the Common Core standards. In addition Washington has awarded $330 million to two consortia of states developing tests to accompany the standards.

This is likely just the beginning of federal shoving and bribing. President Obama proposed connecting national “college- and career-ready” standards to much bigger pots of federal education money in his 2010 “blueprint” for reauthorizing NCLB. If this were to become law states would almost certainly be required to adopt national standards lest they lose far more than just a shot at part of $4 billion, including perhaps their entire share of the formula-apportioned $14.5 billion delivered under the law’s first title.

Despite the potentially huge transformational impact the national standards movement could have—most notably, Washington taking de facto control of the curricula of every government school in the nation—the drive has received scant media attention. Why?

The answer lies in a previous effort to set uniform curriculum standards for the entire country, one from which standards advocates learned valuable political lessons.

In the 1990s President George H. W. Bush and President Bill Clinton each attempted to create and implement “voluntary” national standards and tests. Unlike the current initiative, the federal government openly commissioned and funded the creation of the would-be standards. The standards in some cases were highly detailed, and the effort was much ballyhooed by both presidents.

When the proposed national standards were eventually released they were quickly destroyed by vehement high-profile opposition from across the political spectrum. This was especially true for the U.S. history standards, the first released, which were widely seen as hopelessly politically correct. The high degree of detail in the standards and their transparent federal origins were their undoing.

Sneaking In
From that experience, it seems, current advocates learned that national standards must look innocent and come in quietly through the back door. They have maneuvered carefully to adopt that strategy, keeping their efforts low-key and repeating ad nauseum that the movement is “state-led” and “voluntary.” In addition they have so far avoided the extremely contentious subject of history and prescribed almost no specific reading selections in the ELA standards. They have also assiduously avoided offering any specific content so people will have little that’s concrete to object to.

Specific content, however, is almost certainly coming. For one thing the tests being funded by Washington will have to assess something, and because under a reauthorized NCLB, performance on them is likely to drive rewards and punishments for schools, districts, and states, they will ultimately dictate what the real standards are. Unfortunately, what those tests will contain will probably not be cemented until 2014, when they are supposed to be completed. By then, if the standardizers get their way with a reauthorized NCLB, all states will already be locked into national standards and testing.

In addition to having the tests on the horizon, some standards advocates are putting together more detailed curriculum guidelines that they would like to see accompany the standards and, quite possibly, be pushed via the federal treasury. In March the Albert Shanker Institute—an arm of the American Federation of Teachers (AFT)—released a manifesto calling for the creation of curriculum guides that signatories recommended be coupled with, among other things, “increasing federal investments in implementation support.” Unfortunately in education “federal investments” are often synonymous with federal extortion using taxpayer money.

It’s not as if national standards have driven achievement, although that’s what their champions would have us believe. As such proponents as AFT President Randi Weingarten are fond of pointing out, most countries that beat us on international exams have national standards. Therefore, they argue, national standards must produce better outcomes.

No Link to Performance
The thing is, there is actually no correlation between having national standards and performance on exams like the Trends in International Math and Science Study (TIMSS). Why not? Because almost all countries that participate in the tests have national standards, meaning that both the top and bottom ranks are dominated by educationally centralized nations. So while the eight countries that outperformed the United States on the 2007 eighth-grade TIMSS mathematics exam had national standards, so did 33 of the 39 countries that placed beneath us, as well as 11 of the 12 lowest performers. Meanwhile, whenever Canada—which has no national-level education authority—participates in international exams, it finishes near the top.

So the one piece of evidence that supporters cite to show that national standards are necessary to academic success is bunkum. Their problem might be, as I explain in Behind the Curtain: Assessing the Case for National Curriculum Standards (2010), that there is very little research of greater rigor to draw on. Indeed what research there is has been conducted largely by one manCornell University economist John H. Bishop—and he has focused not just on national standards but national standards coupled with high stakes for students, such as grade-promotion and graduation decisions. Even that shows at best no meaningful positive effect on achievement, with any benefits disappearing when such variables as national culture are accounted for.

Of course even were national standards shown to have strong positive impacts on academic achievement, before the federal government could twist state arms to adopt them, it would be necessary to show that doing so is legal. At least it should be necessary.

The gateway question for the legality of federal action is whether or not the steps being contemplated are constitutional. In almost all things education—save striking down discriminatory provision of schooling by state or local governments and exercising control over education in the District of Columbia—the answer will always be, “No, it is not constitutional.” Education and schooling are nowhere to be found in the specific enumerated powers given to the federal government in Article I, Section 8, and as both James Madison and Alexander Hamilton made clear in the Federalist papers, the “general welfare,” “necessary and proper,” and taxation clauses do nothing to change what that means: Washington cannot govern education.

The Constitution Doesn’t Matter
Unfortunately, the Constitution ceased to be adhered to decades ago, as evidenced not just by federal education involvement but countless other things Washington does. Yet keeping federal hands out of curricula isn’t just required by the Constitution—it is also enshrined in federal law. Neither the Department of Education Organization Act of 1979 nor the No Child Left Behind Act gives the federal government authority, as NCLB puts it, “to mandate, direct, or control a State, local educational agency, or school’s specific instructional content, academic achievement standards and assessments, curriculum, or program of instruction.”

In light of all this the national standards crusade clearly has crippling empirical and legal shortcomings. Those practical matters aside, though, the ultimate problem is that moving to even greater centralization of education is lurching education policy further in exactly the wrong direction. We know from experience both inside and outside of education that individual freedom is the key to sustained, dynamic success, both because it spurs competition, innovation, and efficiency and because government power tends to be taken over by narrow special interests who use it for their own advancement instead of the “public good.”

This latter reality is borne out brilliantly in education, with teachers’ unions having accumulated massive political power—the National Education Association almost single-handedly forced creation of the U.S. Department of Education—and having consistently used that power to enact laws and contracts that give them strangleholds over taxpayer money and government school employees. Administrators’ and school boards’ associations are also big political players.

Meanwhile, though not easy to see because most states and nations have embraced the same government-monopoly schooling model, the superiority of freedom in education is well established. Research from the United States and around the world—where there is often significantly greater educational freedom than in the United States, though nothing close to ideal—reveals that the more freedom there is in education, the better the outcomes.

Of course, the most compelling evidence of the superiority of freedom comes from outside the government-intensive realm of education. It is the lightning-fast evolving and improving computer industry. It is the incredible scaling up of in-demand products ranging from Starbucks coffee to iPads. It is the American versus the Soviet economy. And it is the huge productivity improvements we see in almost every market-based industry but do not see in American elementary and secondary education.

What we clearly need in education, but have had less and less of as the decades have passed, is freedom. Unfortunately, the most powerful drive in education today—the national standards movement—is taking us in exactly the wrong direction.

Neal McCluskey is the associate director of the Cato Institute’s Center for Educational Freedom. He is the author of Feds in the Classroom: How Big Government Corrupts, Cripples,and Compromises American Education.

Copyright © 2011 Foundation for Economic Education. Used with permission.

The Washington Post, July 5, 2011, Tuesday

The Washington Post

July 5, 2011, Tuesday

The Washington Post

Airports board criticized for labor deal on Dulles rail

By Ann E. Marimow

Northern Virginia business leaders are calling on the authority overseeing the 23-mile Metrorail extension to Loudoun County to scrap plans for a deal with organized labor that they say will drive up costs and dampen competition for non-union contractors.

Virginia Attorney General Ken Cuccinelli II (R) has threatened to sue the authority, saying a mandatory pro-union agreement is at odds with the state’s right-to-work law.

And a group of Republican state delegates from Virginia’s Washington suburbs is demanding an investigation of the decision by the Metropolitan Washington Airports Authority board to seek a labor agreement, because one of the board’s members is a top union official whose workers stand to benefit from such a deal.

“Should MWAA move forward with this ill-advised measure, it will discriminate against non-union construction firms . . . discourage competition and ultimately greatly increase the overall cost,” Dels. Timothy D. Hugo (R-Fairfax), Barbara J. Comstock (R-Fairfax) and Thomas A. Greason (R-Loudoun) wrote in a letter to Cuccinelli, requesting an investigation of the board’s decision.

The embattled airports board is already under scrutiny for its oversight of the multibillion-dollar rail line and the rising cost of the second leg of the project. Debate over the labor agreement has been overshadowed by protests from elected officials over the board’s vote in favor of building an underground Metro station at Dulles International Airport, which is more expensive than an aboveground option.

At issue now is the board’s decision this spring that would require the lead contractor on the job to sign a labor agreement setting wages, benefits, work schedules and other conditions. Board Chairman Charles D. Snelling, who backed the 11 to 2 decision, said the criticism is premature because the authority has not yet drafted the labor provisions.

Board member Dennis L. Martire, the labor leader who pushed for the agreement, said his participation was appropriate. The opposition, he said, is based on ideology — not experience.

“The fight here is more political than it is about building a project on time and on budget. That’s the problem,” said Martire, a vice president of the Laborers’ International Union of North America.

Project labor agreements

There is broad debate and competing research about the benefits and drawbacks of project labor agreements.

Fred B. Kotler of Cornell University’s school of Industrial and Labor Relations said labor agreements are essentially “job site constitutions” that provide cost savings by establishing predictable schedules and minimal work disruptions. Many factors, such as market conditions, affect the number of bidders, and Kotler said there is no evidence that such agreements translate into fewer bids or higher costs.

Opponents, including the Associated Builders and Contractors, point to studies that show labor agreements can drive up the cost of construction between 12 percent and 18 percent. The trade association, which represents merit-shop firms, says making such an agreement mandatory would ensure that most of the rail line jobs go to out-of-state union members.

The airports authority says such concerns are unfounded based on its experience building the first phase of the project, now underway through Tysons Corner. The lead contractor, Dulles Transit Partners, voluntarily negotiated a labor deal that a spokesman said has provided flexibility to schedule weekend shifts, for instance, without additional cost and has prevented work stoppages.

The voluntary agreement in the first phase generally requires that the lead contractor first seek referrals for workers from union halls. If the unions are unable to provide a worker within 48 hours, then the contractor can look elsewhere.

More than half of the value of the subcontracts awarded (58 percent) in the first phase of the project has gone to nonunion contractors, according to Dulles Transit Partners. And 60 percent of the value of those contracts has gone to businesses and contractors based in Virginia, Maryland and the District.

In a radio interview last month, Cuccinelli said he was keeping tabs on the airports authority’s plans and is prepared to challenge any agreement that would require union-only workers. “I’m sort of hair-trigger-loaded to deal with that if the problem pops its head up,” Cuccinelli said in an interview on WMAL.

Philip G. Sunderland, general counsel for the authority, said he expects that any agreement would make it “expressly clear that union membership may not be a requirement of any employee” and “make clear that the subcontractors do not need to be union-shop employers.”

“This notion that there is one-size-fits-all and that it requires everybody to be a union worker,” he said, “is absolutely not true.”

The ‘labor guy’

Project labor agreements were a source of controversy in the Woodrow Wilson Bridge replacement project that also required regional cooperation. Former Maryland governor Parris N. Glendening, a Democrat, wanted a labor deal, and Virginia’s then-governor, James S. Gilmore III, a Republican, argued against it. Maryland ultimately abandoned its plans when the Bush administration issued an executive order prohibiting labor agreements on projects that receive federal money. The Obama administration has since issued an order encouraging such agreements.

Before the board’s vote in April, Martire was the leading champion on the board for requiring a labor agreement for the second phase of the project. He made no secret of his advocacy, distributing to board colleagues a paper he wrote in 2008 on the benefits of labor deals, which he said would save money for taxpayers and those who use the Dulles Toll Road.

Opponents of the labor agreement say Martire should have recused himself from the vote because of his day job with the union, which was one of the labor organizations that signed the agreement for phase one.

Martire said he was cleared to vote by the board’s attorney and his personal attorney, who reviewed the authority’s ethics policy. The rank-and-file union members who may work on the second phase of the project, he said, pay into health-care and pension plans separate from his umbrella organization. Local affiliates, he said, do pay a fee to the parent organization that he described as “pennies on the dollar. It’s so inconsequential. I don’t get a raise, a bonus or stock options.”

Despite the pushback from opponents, Martire said he has no regrets about his participation. One of the reasons he said he asked former Virginia governor Tim Kaine, a Democrat, to appoint him to the board was “to give the working person a voice on these issues.”

“Everyone in the room knows I’m the ‘labor guy,’ ” he said. “I never want to give up my right to vote on an issue that’s near and dear to my heart. If people don’t like our policy, change the policy.”



© The Washington Post Company

New York Times, July 2, 2011, Saturday

New York Times

July 2, 2011, Saturday

New York Times

To Foster Diversity, Paint the Big Picture

By Eilene Zimmerman

Q. You are a member of a minority group and want to become involved in creating a more inclusive and tolerant environment at your company. You would also like those efforts to benefit you professionally. How should you start?

A. Make sure you understand the corporate environment and culture before trying to change it, said Lisa Rubens, chief of staff for diversity and inclusion at Deloitte Consulting in Chicago. It will probably be hard to create diversity initiatives in a company that doesn’t feel they are necessary or beneficial.

Whatever you do — whether starting a task force or organizing multiethnic potluck lunches — the effort should be aimed at helping the business. “If it’s all about making you look good, people will see through that very quickly,” Ms. Rubens said.

There are many ways to become a representative of your minority group as a company employee. One of the most common is to join the company’s diversity advisory board or a group concerned with things like recruiting and advancement, said Laura S. Hertzog, director of diversity and inclusion programs at the School of Industrial and Labor Relations of Cornell University in New York.

If no such group exists — and you feel that your company would benefit if it did — you can take steps to create one, by talking to senior-level people about the insights it could provide. “That will show your ability to take on a leadership role and handle multiple responsibilities,” Ms. Rubens said. “It also shows you are committed to the success of your employer.”

Q. Is it a good idea to get involved with affinity groups — for example, a group representing African-American women or Latino men?

A. Affinity groups can help you personally and professionally as long as the group doesn’t exist solely as a way for members to meet and socialize with one another. Steer yourself toward groups that have executive sponsors and a strategic intent to help the business with issues like recruiting, product development and marketing, said Peter J. Aranda III, chief executive of the Consortium for Graduate Study in Management, which helps universities identify and recruit underrepresented minorities for M.B.A. programs.

“Affinity groups can operate like focus groups,” Mr. Aranda said, “advising the company how to communicate with and market their products to different populations and what mistakes they may be making.”

Many affinity groups have mentorship programs, Mr. Aranda said: “From a minority perspective, you should have mentors, so if you are a Hispanic junior executive and you hope to rise through the ranks, you can talk to someone who has been down that path ahead of you and the obstacles they faced.” Affinity groups also help you understand how you are being perceived by the mainstream organization.

Keep in mind that inclusion is a two-way street. When your group hosts for events, it’s important to invite everyone at the company. “What you need to be careful about with affinity groups is that you aren’t creating segregation by being exclusive,” Mr. Aranda said.

Q. How can involvement in diversity initiatives and groups benefit your career?

A. Volunteering for diversity projects expands your presence and responsibilities within the organization, and gives you a chance to take on leadership roles. “It also gives you the opportunity to spend less structured and more collegial time with senior members of the organization, including those in other departments,” Ms. Hertzog said.

Participating in events and conferences at minority-focused professional associations can benefit you and your company, Ms. Rubens said. “You could recommend to your company that you give a seminar on a topic in your area of expertise,” she said, and invite potential clients who will be at the conference. “That’s taking a network you have access to because of your diversity and using it to help your business and yourself professionally,” she said.

Involvement in diversity programs can also widen your professional network. Ms. Rubens, who is African-American, says she often meets peers and executives from other companies at networking dinners and functions for black women.

Q. Could work on behalf of your minority group be perceived negatively or hurt you professionally in some way?

A. Unfortunately, prejudice still exists in the workplace, even if it’s not as overt as it was 30 or 40 years ago. It is possible that co-workers could view you as having a chip on your shoulder or as trying to leverage your minority status to benefit your career, Mr. Aranda said. Being as open as possible to questions about your culture, traditions and customs — and consequently creating a feeling of inclusiveness — will hopefully help put those fears to rest, he said.

It’s also important not to spend so much time on diversity efforts that your job performance suffers. “In the end, you will be judged on how well you did the job you were hired to do,” Ms. Hertzog said, “not on whether or not you started a diversity initiative or an affinity group.”

E-mail: ccouch@nytimes.com.

Yahoo News, July 2, 2011, Saturday

Yahoo News

July 2, 2011, Saturday

Yahoo News

NYers ask how gay marriage will affect benefits

By CHRIS HAWLEY - Associated Press

NEW YORK (AP) — As same-sex marriage becomes legal in New York — a world financial capital that often sets the corporate tone for businesses everywhere, and a city with a large gay and lesbian community — companies and individuals are wrestling with the changing complexities of their financial realities.

For straight couples, the choice has generally been to marry or not to marry, period. But conflicting state and federal marriage laws and questions about corporate benefits policies make financial planning decisions much less cut-and-dried for many gay couples.

Jason Ganns, an accountant from Albany, figures getting married will save him $350 to $450 a year in state income taxes — after a devil of a time reconciling those forms with his federal return, on which he won't be considered married.

New York City resident Andrew Troup and his husband have kept their health insurance policies separate because of tax complications and are now weighing whether merging them will make sense after marriage.

And if some couples have been waffling on tying the knot, they'll have to decide whether now is the time to take the plunge if their employers restrict domestic partner benefits to the lawfully hitched.

"There's just a lot of rumors going around," said Erica Freudenstein, a 46-year-old freelance photographer from New York City who plans to wed her longtime partner, television video editor Cybele Policastro. Freudenstein has been covered under Policastro's health insurance.

"She has to pay taxes on it for my health insurance, and now for New York state I think she won't," she said. "So it's a benefit. It's all about the benefits."

New York is home to an estimated 42,600 same-sex couples, many already considered married in Canada and other places that allow gay marriage but are less business-heavy, including Iowa, Connecticut, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts and Washington, D.C.

The range of new benefits to married gay couples will affect everything from adoption to the settling of estates. But taxes and health care benefits are the most tangible and common issues.

It is estimated that thousands of gay people in New York are covered under their partner's employer-provided health plan. Married couples are not taxed on the value of an employer's contribution to cover their spouse, but it's been different for gay couples, even New Yorkers who got legally married elsewhere.

Troup got married in Canada in 2008. New York law has recognized marriages performed elsewhere since 2009, but they're still not sure how their status will change when the state on July 24 starts recognizing same-sex marriages performed within its borders.

They work at different software companies and are weighing whether to merge their health insurance policies.

"We're going to have to sort of re-evaluate and decide whether it's more cost-effective to be under one plan or not," he said.

While marriage will afford gay couples some state tax benefits, federal taxes are still off the table because of the 15-year-old Defense of Marriage Act, under which federal law defines marriage as between a man and a woman.

For Ganns and his husband-to-be, that means they can file jointly on their state returns but must file individually on the federal forms, which are typically used as the basis for state forms.

"Not only is that complicated, but our tax preparer will have to prepare a joint federal return to get certain numbers on that end up on that state joint return, and then throw federal return away because he can't file it anyway. ... It's going to cost most people more to get their taxes done," Ganns said.

A little more than a third of U.S. employers offer health coverage to their employees' same-sex partners, according to a report last week from the Society for Human Resource Management.

Some companies initially extended domestic partner benefits solely to same-sex couples to put them on equal footing with heterosexual employees who could get married.

With that inherent difference soon out the door, some couples in New York could face the choice of marrying or losing partner benefits if their companies restrict those to the legally married.

For instance, specialty glass maker Corning Inc. extended benefits to same-sex domestic partners in 2002. But the company, based in Corning, requires couples living in any state that permits same-sex marriages to be married to receive the benefit. IBM and defense contractor Raytheon Co. will require the same of New York employees.

It's merely a side effect of progress, said Louise Young, a Dallas-based senior software engineer for Raytheon who founded the company's Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, Transgender and Allies Employee Resource Group.

"It's what we've been working for," she said.

Companies including New York-based IBM, Raytheon, Beth Israel Deaconess Medical Center and Babson College took similar action in Massachusetts when it became the first state to allow same-sex couples to wed in 2004. The rationale was to keep benefits consistent among all employees.

Retired IBM technical writer Suzanne McHugh, whose partner gets eye and dental care through her company health plan, expects to be affected. McHugh, who was on an IBM task force that helped usher in domestic partner benefits in 1996, is not troubled.

"Because of IBM's effort to be as fair as possible under the circumstances, I knew it would be an inevitability should it become legal in New York," she said. "So I'm not upset by it. I knew it was coming."

The two women, who live in Kerhonkson in the Hudson Valley, expect to get married in November, though not specifically for the health benefits. They also mentioned property tax benefits and said that after being together for 28 years, "it seems like the right thing to do."

Not all employers plan to force couples to marry to maintain benefits, among them General Electric Co. and Rochester-based Kodak.

Companies that are self-insured — typically those with more than 500 employees — don't have to follow state law, just federal law, which doesn't recognize gay marriage. But they may have to do some soul-searching even in states without gay marriage, said Shawn Nowicki, director of health policy for the Northeast Business Group on Health, which represents employers that offer health benefits in New York, New Jersey, Connecticut and Massachusetts.

"The social movement will spur them to do some critical thinking about how to approach gay marriage," Nowicki said.

M. Diane Burton, an associate professor of human resource studies at Cornell University, also noted that what plays out in New York could affect other states.

"It is going to have a big impact because New York is a big state and it's going to hit a lot more employers," she said. "But many of those employers also have employees in other states. So what it does, it complicates things."

Troup and his husband, for instance, aren't sure if they need to get married twice.

"It's become a bit challenging, for sure," Troup said. "I think we're going to have to seek some legal counsel."

___

Hill reported from Albany. Associated Press writers Rachel Beck in New York and Ben Dobbin in Rochester, N.Y., contributed to this report.

New York Post, July 1, 2011, Friday

New York Post

July 1, 2011, Friday

New York Post

How 'prestige' colleges slap students

By NAOMI SCHAEFER RILEY


More Print This spring, Syracuse University an nounced that it will withdraw from the prestigious American Association of Universities after 45 years of membership. At the heart of the problem is what qualifies as "prestigious" in higher education today.

Syracuse was really heading off a public embarrassment -- the AAU would probably have it forced out -- because its federal research funding has dropped. The University of Nebraska suffered just that fate a few months ago.

In other words, when parents and taxpayers are wondering how to reduce the costs of higher education, the colleges themselves believe that getting more money from the public till is the key to greater prestige.

Private cash doesn't do it: The AAU actually discounts any dollars a university gets from private industry, because those funds generally aren't awarded through what the organization considers an acceptable peer-review process.

In other words, schools get punished for not spending more tax dollars.

Syracuse gets private funds for projects like one that helps improve graduation rates in the urban schools nearby. There is nothing to suggest that this project is any less legitimate than similar, government-funded research. But the lords of academia assume that public dollars are somehow pure and untainted by biased parties, whereas private entities always have some selfish motivation.

Funny: Why not assume that public funding would skew the results of a study of a public-school system? Would government bureaucrats want to give money to folks who'll criticize government-run schools?

Consider, too, what Syracuse would have to do to get more federal grants and keep its place in the AAU club: Spend more of its own money.

That's just what another AAU school -- SUNY-Stony Brook -- has done. From 1999 to 2009, it more than doubled its own spending on research from $49.5 million to $113.8 million (in inflation-adjusted dollars), reports the Chronicle of Higher Education. Even so, it still dropped in the rankings of federal research money from 53 to 97.

A Chronicle study found that about a quarter of the 100 universities that received the most federal dollars in 1999 spent more of their own money over the next 10 years to fund research -- but "have failed to see a payoff."

The universities complain that federal research grants don't do enough to fund overhead costs. If so, then universities need to learn how to say no. Because when schools dig into their own pockets, they're really digging into ours. Research by Ron Ehrenberg at Cornell has shown that universities that spend more on research also see faster increases in tuition.

But it is not only the money that should concern us. Higher education is ruled almost entirely by reputation -- and reputations, unfortunately, are made only on research. A 2005 study in the Journal of Higher Education found that for every extra hour a professor spends teaching, he or she will get paid less.

Meanwhile, we reward senior professors by subsidizing their research and letting them spend less time with students.

Cornell's Ehrenberg also found that universities that spend more on research tend to increase student-faculty ratios and hire more adjunct faculty to do the actual teaching. And adjunct teaching has been repeatedly tied to lower graduation rates and higher rates of grade inflation.

It's time for universities to return to their mission as educational institutions, not just research factories. Today's college campuses host some legitimate scientific research -- but also vast amounts of trivial research in the social sciences and the humanities. And that research is being done at the cost of educating undergraduates.

Any universities that want to continue down the research road should find some other sources to pay for it. This industry needs to start serving its customers.

Naomi Schaefer Riley is the author of "The Faculty Lounges . . . And Other Reasons Why You Won't Get the College Education You Paid For."

Workforce Management, July 1, 2011, Friday

Copyright 2011 Crain Communications
All Rights Reserved

Workforce Management

July 1, 2011, Friday

Stocks sizzle when staff goals set, but some skeptical

BYLINE: ED FRAUENHEIM

BODY:
A new study bolsters the case that smart people management practices produce better business results.

Companies that set goals for employees, align those goals with broader strategies and vary the performance ratings that employees receive tend to outperform their peers in the stock market, according to the report from human resources software provider SuccessFactors Inc.

The SuccessFactors study found that a 10 percent increase in goal-setting activity at firms was associated with a 6 percent increase in industry-adjusted stock returns, which are stock gains or losses compared with direct competitors. They are a measurement that controls for industry-specific factors that may have pumped up or depressed a stock. A 6 percent industry-adjusted stock boost also was associated with a 10 percent increase in the extent to which managers used the full spectrum of the performance ratings scale when evaluating employees.

Erik Berggren, vice president of global research and customer results at San Mateo, California-based SuccessFac-tors, says these findings boil down to the simple practices of telling people what they are expected to do and giving them honest feedback. In other words, he argues, giving better performers higher marks and weaker performers lower marks-rather than the common practice of giving the vast majority of employees a "meets expectations" rating-helps organizations execute more effectively and, ultimately, beat rivals in the stock market.

The report, based on 153 publicly traded SuccessFactors customers, is part of a growing body of research quantify-ing the link between particular people management practices and business results. Wayne Cascio, a management pro-fessor at the University of Colorado at Denver, says the study adds to research indicating that company performance is boosted when firms set goals for employees that "cascade" down from overall business strategy and then manage em-ployee performance effectively.

SuccessFactors is one of the most prominent vendors of talent management software, which refers to tools for key HR tasks such as recruiting, compensation, learning and employee performance management. The company has sought to set itself apart from the competition by calling its products "business execution" applications.

Last year, SuccessFactors published a report showing that a stock portfolio made up of a group of its own custom-ers had outperformed major benchmark stock indices between Oct. 1, 2008, and April 14, 2010. The latest SuccessFac-tors study again suggests that use of its software is linked to better share prices. The report said a 10 percent increase in a measure of the extent to which a company uses the SuccessFactors business execution suite was associated with a 4 percent increase in industry-adjusted stock returns.

The importance of the software is that it helps ensure that people do things differently, such as set more regular performance goals for employees, Berggren says. In a news release announcing the study, SuccessFactors declares that the research "Proves That Companies Investing in Business Execution Software Achieve Higher Shareholder Returns."

But John Haggerty, managing director of executive education at Cornell University's Center for Advanced Human Resource Studies, questioned that conclusion. He pointed out that all the companies in the sample had invested in SuccessFactors' software.

"There is no finding in this study that supports that the investment (buying the software) drives a return," Haggerty said in an email, "only that more extensive use of the features drives a higher return among those who already made the investment."

LOAD-DATE: July 7, 2011

MyScience, July 1, 2011, Friday

MyScience

July 1, 2011, Friday

MyScience

ILR School researcher looks at ’tight’ and ’loose’ cultures

Kiss, cry, sing, talk, flirt, listen to music, read the newspaper, bargain, eat, laugh, swear, argue.

Rate the appropriateness of each behavior in 15 settings: bank, doctor’s office, job interview, library, funeral, classroom, restaurant, public park, bus, bedroom, city sidewalk, party, elevator, workplace, movies.

When 6,823 people from 33 nations were surveyed about the "tightness" and "looseness" of these everyday situations, significant differences emerge.

"Differences Between Tight and Loose Cultures: A 33-Nation Study" potentially "has wide ranging implications for the world of work," said Lisa Nishii, ILR School associate professor of human resource studies and one of the study’s lead researchers. "Tight" cultures have strong norms and a low tolerance of deviant behavior. "Loose" cultures have weak norms and a high tolerance of deviant behavior.

Although scholars have studied cultural differences since at least 400 B.C., tightness-looseness had been unexplored until now, according to Nishii’s team.

Study authors link tightness-looseness -- "a critical aspect of modern societies" -- with ecological and historical threats such as disease and disasters, as well as with a nation’s social-political institutions such as media and religion, and individuals’ psychological tendencies.

Since 1998 Nishii has been working with her colleagues to develop their theory. It has been, she said, "a real labor of love. It was a huge part of my ’growing up’ in grad school."

The empirical study that led to the publication in Science began in 1999, when Nishii and collaborators received a National Science Foundation grant. They partnered with 40 scholars to survey people from Iceland to South Korea to Australia to gauge reactions to 180 scenarios.

Tightness scores varied from a low of 1.6 for a sample gathered from Ukraine to 12.3 for Pakistan. The score for the United States was 5.1.

"Understanding tight and loose cultures is critical for fostering cross-cultural coordination in a world of increasing global interdependence," the study said.

The research shows how differences among cultures could appear "dysfunctional, unjust and fundamentally immoral" and feed conflict, the authors said.

The freedom of individual choice that is prized in loose cultures can appear unpredictable and undisciplined, and perhaps even dangerous, in tight cultures, according to the study.

Mary Catt is assistant director of communications at the ILR School.

WorldatWork's workspan magazine, July 2011

WorldatWork's workspan magazine

July 2011

WorldatWork's workspan magazine

Research for the Real World

ICS Director Kevin Hallock discusses compensation and job loss link

Linking Compensation and Job Losses During a Recession
Questioning the Indisputable