Thursday, April 16, 2009

Psychology & Psychiatry Journal, April 18, 2009, Saturday

Copyright 2009 Psychology & Psychiatry Journal via VerticalNews.com
Psychology & Psychiatry Journal

April 18, 2009, Saturday

HEADLINE: APPLIED PSYCHOLOGY;

Researchers from Cornell University provide details of new studies and findings in the area of applied psychology


BODY:
According to recent research from the United States, "Analyses of union leadership roles show that union presidents should have both a within-union focus and an external focus. The authors combined multilevel survey data front 3,871 union members in 249 local teachers' unions with archival and field staff data to examine relationships between leadership and members' perceptions of union instrumentality and justice, union commitment, and participation."

"The results showed significant union-level effects on members' beliefs, about, and attitudes toward, their unions, attributable to the presidents' internal and external leadership, wage outcomes, and union characteristics. Relationships between internally focused leadership and members' loyalty and willingness to work for the union were partially mediated by perceptions of union instrumentality and justice," wrote T.H. Hammer and colleagues, Cornell University.

The researchers concluded: "These perceptions fully mediated the relationship between externally focused leader-ship and union loyalty."

Hammer and colleagues published their study in the Journal of Applied Psychology (Union Leadership and Member Attitudes: A Multi-Level Analysis. Journal of Applied Psychology, 2009;94(2):392-410).

For additional information, contact T.H. Hammer, Cornell University, School Ind & Labor Relat, Dept. of Organization Behavioral, 146 Ives Hall E, Ithaca, NY 14853, USA.

Publisher contact information for the Journal of Applied Psychology is: American Psychological Association, 750 First St. NE, Washington, DC 20002-4242, USA.

Keywords: United States, Ithaca, Life Sciences, Psychology, Mental Health, Journal of Applied Psychology, Cor-nell University.

This article was prepared by Psychology & Psychiatry Journal editors from staff and other reports. Copy-right 2009, Psychology & Psychiatry Journal via NewsRx.com.

LOAD-DATE: April 9, 2009

Cornell Daily Sun, April 16, 2009, Thursday

Cornell Daily Sun

April 16, 2009, Thursday

Cornell Daily Sun

A Long Way Come, A Long Way to Go

Race Remains an Issue at Cornell 40 Years Later

By Sarah Singer

In January 2007, Professor James L. Sherley went on a hunger strike. An African-American professor and stem-cell researcher at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, for years he had been denied tenure. He blames racism.

In California, approximately 358,531 students in the California State University identified themselves as being of Asian/Filipino/Pacific Island descent in 2008. This total represents 18 percent of all matriculates, yet not one of the California State University’s 23 schools has an Asian president. Or even an Asian academic vice president.

Since its 1865 founding, Cornell University has seen 12 presidents, all white and male. Every provost has been white (with the exception of former interim provost David Harris). And all seven of Cornell’s college deans are white, as are the deans of every Cornell University professional school: Cornell Law School, Johnson School of Management, Weill Medical College and the College of Veterinary Medicine.

In 1969, amidst a similar sea of administrative whiteness, over 100 black students took over Willard Straight Hall. Quarantined in The Straight for 33 hours, the students fought for a voice in a University they considered marred with “institutional racism.” It was the Civil Rights Era, and Cornell’s Afro-American Society members had had enough. They had enough of their muted voice in administrative decisions that impacted their lives on campus. They had enough of their absence on the University’s curricular agenda. They were fed up with fighting a battle against the white-boys club their Ivy League institution continued to be in a time when their country was on the brink of cultural and political revolution.

But 40 years later, the more things change the more they stay the same.

“The first thing to recognize [about the Willard Straight Hall Takeover] is that it was both a long time ago and very recent,” said David Harris, deputy provost for social sciences. “It is twice as long ago as most of the students here have been alive, but it has stayed with us because race continues to be a substantial factor in life.”

It was in the fall of 2005 that red arches filled the quadrangles and walkways of Cornell’s Ithaca campus. Sporting the motto “open doors, open hearts, open minds,” the arches proudly proclaimed that the University had renewed, re-articulated and re-presented its long-standing commitment to diversity. Students, faculty and staff had no choice but to pass under the bold, red arches daily. The arches’ ubiquity served as a constant reminder to embrace the “shared democratic values envisioned by [the University’s] founders.”

Open Doors

“We honor this legacy of diversity and inclusion and welcome all individuals, including those from groups that historically have been marginalized and previously excluded from equal access to opportunity.”

Sarah Ghermay ’10 came to Cornell because of the “diversity factor.” A native of Washington, D.C., Ghermay recounted the college fair she had attended during high school. She was attracted to Cornell because it “spoke the most about diversity, more so than any other institution.” When she visited during Cornell Days, her preconceived notion had been confirmed: “They set me up in Ujamma and I visited the Holland International Living Center,” she said. “I left being impressed with how diverse Cornell was.”

“Cornell has the talk of diversity,” said Zachary Murray ’10, who grew up in Baltimore and attended a high school that was 90 percent black. “The University is good at marketing diversity and alluding to diversity. Meanwhile, black admissions has declined 13 percent since 2001.”

Racial diversity is, and has been, an issue at the forefront of the University’s agenda. Of last fall’s reported 13,846 undergraduate students, 699 are black (5.04 percent), 768 are Hispanic (5.54 percent) and 66 American Indian or Alaskan Native (.04 percent).

Cornell consistently places last among its Ivy League peers regarding the total percentage of its undergraduate enrollment that are minorities, which is 27.5 percent. (Columbia’s 34.1 percent, Brown’s 30.9 percent and Princeton’s 30.8 percent lead the pack.) Cornell’s percentage of total undergraduate students who are black ranks lowest in the Ivy League. Nonetheless, the University has made substantial gains over the last decade. In 1988, for example, there were 535 black undergraduates, 507 Hispanic and 43 American Indian or Alaskan Native.

“The numbers have been increasing slowly and steadily,” said Renee Alexander ’74, director of minority programming for Cornell’s Alumni Affairs Division. “We are working hard to close the performance and achievement gap in higher education.”

While the University acknowledges there is much progress to be made in attracting and enrolling students of color, recent initiatives in financial aid and the admissions process leave the administration optimistic. “Doris Davis [associate provost of admissions and enrollment] did research that black students were least likely to complete the application. To counteract this trend, Davis and her team created a mentoring program for black applicants to the University, whereby applicants were paired with current students. Such efforts increased the number of black applications, and therefore the total number of black students admitted. It is a very important first step,” said Alexander, who recently completed her dissertation on the philosophy of education.

While the administration remains disappointed with the historically low black enrollment of the class of 2012 (4.3 percent of the class, about 137 students), the class of 2013 is anticipated to have the highest black enrollment since the 1969, when about 260 black students entered in the class of 1974. “We have the potential of enrolling a class that could break the class’ record,” she said.

Open Hearts

“Cornell’s mission is to foster personal discovery and growth, nurture scholarship and creativity across a broad range of common knowledge, and affirm the value to individuals and society of the cultivation of the human mind and spirit.”

“Cornell is not racist, per se, but it is race-fearing,” said Ghermay. “People fear talking about race, and many don’t even think about race. But as a minority at Cornell, race becomes part of your character. You have no choice. You are forced to make it important.”

“At Cornell, we never really address the history of racism and confront our country’s — and our University’s — racist history,” Murray said. “Just putting minority students on campus doesn’t do that.”

“Diversity is a cliché used for institutions,” said Ola Williams ’10, vice president-elect of the Student Assembly. “Cornell is very diverse, but the integration of diversity is the problem.”

While Murray said that he has been called “nigger,” he does not feel subjected to overt racism on Cornell’s campus. “Racism is not in individuals here. We are affected by a broader institutional racism as the administration does not proactively address these issues, but rather addresses the diversity and race through programming, which attracts a self-selected crowd from the start,” Murray said.

According to Harris, the challenge of diversity programming is not getting students to attend the events. Rather, it is making sure that their experiences addressing diversity are not solely through the events themselves. “Diversity isn’t like swimming,” he said. “You can pass the swimming test and never go back to it. Your views are going to change. Can’t see tapestry as the swimming test.”

The University’s attention towards diversity incited it to build an infrastructure for addressing such issues on campus. In 2006, it announced its formation of the University Diversity Council, which is chaired by President David Skorton and Provost Kent Fuchs. Its goal is to “deepen and reinvigorate the University’s commitment to creating and sustaining an inclusive campus community.” The UDC, comprised of students, faculty and staff, according to the University, will continue to build on initiatives that have been conducted in recent years including the disability task force, the Asian American task force, the National Science Foundation Advance grant and the Teagle report on racial disparities in higher education.

Amidst the administration’s efforts, some students maintain that programming — such as Breaking Bread, which encourages groups who normally do not interact to share a meal; the Feedback program whereby anonymous letters from faculty, staff and students share personal experiences about inclusion at Cornell through an advertisement in The Sun; and Diversity and Inclusion Indicators that track the progress of underrepresented minorities at Cornell — is full of “rhetoric” and is an “empty show that makes fun of diversity issues.”

They characterize the administration as being “neutral” towards diversity by making it into a “numbers-game of statistics and percentages” rather than fully integrating it into the campus culture. “It’s 40 years after The Straight takeover, and we haven’t heard the president reflect on how far we’ve come. This is a great opportunity to engage Cornell in a meaningful discussion, but again the administration is silent regarding some of the most important issues of our time,” Murray said.

However, Williams disagrees. “What the students were fighting for during the Willard Straight Takeover has come to fruition,” he said. “There has been a drastic change since 40 years ago, but you can’t make everyone happy,” he continued. “If something is brought to the administration’s attention, they will get to it. If it takes them a while, it’s not that they don’t care. It’s that there’s a lot going on.”

Open Minds

“Free expression is essential to this mission, and provocative ideas lawfully presented are an expected result. An enlightened academic community, however, connects freedom with responsibility. Cornell stands for civil discourse, reasoned thought, sustained discussion and constructive engagement without degrading, abusing, harassing or silencing others.”

Mary Opperman, vice provost for human resources, said, “the best workforces will be diverse. You need the best and most varied minds on anything, and you need to think in terms of broad diversity.”

Satya Mohanty, director of the future of minority studies research project, stated, “Colleges and universities see social diversity as a valuable goal for a variety of reasons. One of these reasons is that learning environments function best — as some social psychologists have shown — when they include a diversity of viewpoints.”

But at Cornell, “we have far fewer minority faculty than we should,” Harris said. And judging by the numbers, “most would agree,” he added.

In a report published in May 2008, the University reported that 81.3 percent of full professors are men, leaving 18.7 percent women. 33.9 percent and 34.3 percent of associate and assistant professors, respectively, are women. The total number of women faculty has grown from 304 to 420 over the last decade, which is a 6.7-percent increase in as the faculty as a whole has grown as well. 26.9 percent of tenure-track faculty are women, putting Cornell behind all Ivy League schools beside Princeton where 25.8 percent of tenure-track faculty are women.

The number of minority faculty has grown over the last decade as well, from 160 to 243, an increase of 52 percent. As of May 2008, the number of black faculty increased from 39 to 53, Hispanic faculty from 25 to 41 and Native American faculty from five to nine. As of May 2008, 14.8 percent of the University’s total faculty members were minorities.

However, measuring diversity in numbers can be deceiving, according to Mohanty. “If we want to see whether Cornell is achieving its goals of diversity, it would be a mistake to focus primarily on numbers. Numbers can mislead us. There is the famous “revolving door” phenomenon, for instance, where the numbers remain more or less the same but people leave (because, say, they do not like an institution) and new people are hired to replace them,” he stated.

Regardless, the small percentage of minority faculty members and administrators pose numerous challenges to a University built on the notions of academic and racial diversity. Prof. Ron Ehrenberg, industrial and labor relations, delineated a number of factors contributing to the lack of diversity among Cornell’s faculty: “There is a very small numbers of people of color of certain fields. While it’s very easy to diversify the faculty in the humanities because there are so many Ph.d’s, there is also the tremendous competition. Cornell is at a real disadvantage because there’s not a large community of professions of people of color outside of the University.”

But according to Murray, “diversity” and “race” cannot be taught by the “pedagogy of instruction.” And as Ghermay said, “race transcends academics.” The Willard Straight Hall Takeover took pressing issues out of the classroom and into the public limelight. When Renee Alexander saw the cover of Life Magazine with the Straight pictured, she was “moved by the activism on campus” and knew she wanted to come to Cornell.

“The actions of the AAS made it a lot easier for us today,” said Murray. “Yes, we have accomplished a lot. But 40 years later, we still have a long way to go.”

Staten Island Advance, April 14, 2009, Tuesday

Staten Island Advance

April 14, 2009, Tuesday

Staten Island Advance

America's Building Trades Unions Hail New Study That Points to Effectiveness of Project Labor Agreements

WASHINGTON, April 14 /PRNewswire-USNewswire/ -- A new study commissioned by the School of Industrial and Labor Relations at Cornell University once again affirms the fact that Project Labor Agreements (PLAs) do not discriminate against employers and workers, do not limit the pool of bidders, and do not raise construction costs.

The study, Project Labor Agreements in New York State: In the Public Interest, was authored by Fred B. Kotler, the Associate Director of the Construction Industry Program at the Cornell School of Industrial and Labor Relations, and reviewed the background and legal standards for the appropriate use of PLAs on public works projects in New York City and State. It also tests, and rejects, the validity of the claims made by
opponents of PLAs -- focusing on the studies conducted in recent years by the Beacon Hill Institute.

In its conclusions, the study states, in part, "A key point here is that there is no evidence to support claims that project labor agreements either limit the pool of bidders or drive up actual construction costs. Such claims by opponents are based on inadequate data and faulty
methodology. PLAs -- in New York City and State and elsewhere -- have
instead proven very successful at saving costs while respecting fair labor
standards."

Mark H. Ayers, President of the Building and Construction Trades Department, AFL-CIO, concurred, "As we have known for some time -- and which this study re-affirms -- is that Project Labor Agreements are a valuable tool for ensuring a quality return on construction investments."

The Building and Construction Trades Department is an association of 13 national and international unions representing 2.5 million skilled craft men and women in the United States and Canada.

Business Wire, April 14, 2009, Tuesday

Copyright 2009 Business Wire, Inc.
Business Wire

April 14, 2009, Tuesday

HEADLINE: Seyfarth Shaw Welcomes Michael F. Marino, III as Partner in the Firm's Labor & Employment Depart-ment in New York

DATELINE: NEW YORK

BODY:
Seyfarth Shaw LLP , one of America's leading full-service law firms , today announced that Michael F. Marino, III has joined the firm's Labor & Employment Department as a partner in the New York office . He was previously a part-ner at Hunton & Williams LLP.

Marino is a labor lawyer. His practice focuses on labor and employment law, complex civil litigation, and sports marketing and entertainment law. He has tried numerous labor and employment law and civil jury cases in federal courts and administrative hearings throughout the United States. Additionally, he has served as lead counsel defending class action lawsuits involving allegations of wrongful discharge, discrimination, misclassification, and various other violations of wage and hour laws , nationwide, and in California. Marino has successfully argued in several United States Courts of Appeal, including reversing an NLRB decision in the Fourth Circuit, and reversal of an adverse jury verdict in the Ninth Circuit. He also prevailed in the United States Supreme Court, reversing an adverse jury verdict. He counsels and represents global companies and executives on employment issues , drafts executive employment agree-ments, and serves as chief negotiator in collective bargaining negotiations across the country in manufacturing, aero-space, and service industries, with a wide variety of international unions.

"We are excited by the addition of yet another talented labor and employment partner to our firm. Mike's employment litigation experience coupled with his deep roots in traditional labor law will be a strong asset to our group as there continues to be a growing demand for these services, particularly in the face of a new administration and an increase in employment-related legislation," said Jeremy P. Sherman , Chair of Seyfarth Shaw's Labor and Employment Department . "He is an excellent enhancement to our fast-growing New York office and we're delighted to begin working with him."

Seyfarth Shaw's Labor & Employment Department consists of roughly 350 employment attorneys nationally at all levels of experience, allowing seamless representation of the firm's clients across jurisdictions. The firm's labor and employment lawyers are organized to leverage their knowledge of specific industry experience and key workplace subspecialties, such as: Affirmative Action/Diversity, Business Immigration, California Labor Code Litigation, Com-plex Discrimination Litigation, ERISA/Employee Benefits Litigation, Employment Law Training, International Labor and Employment, Single-Plaintiff Litigation, Wage and Hour Litigation, and Workplace Counseling and Compliance Solutions.

"In addition to deep traditional labor law and general employment law experience, Mike's representation of presti-gious resort and hotel clients adds to our exceptional hotel industry expertise," said Lorie E. Almon , Co-Managing Partner of Seyfarth Shaw's New York office. "Mike shares our emphasis on a team-based approach to efficient, top-tier client representation, and we look forward to his contributions at the firm both in the New York office and nationally."

Seyfarth Shaw first opened its New York office in 1979 with seven attorneys. Today, the office is home to over 100 attorneys, many of whom are also admitted to practice in New Jersey and Connecticut. Practices represented in the New York office include: Bankruptcy, Workouts & Business Reorganization; Commercial Class Action Defense; Commercial Litigation; Corporate; Employee Benefits & Executive Compensation; Labor & Employment; Real Estate; Securities & Financial Litigation; Structured & Real Estate Finance; Tax; and Trade Secrets, Computer Fraud, & Non-Competes.

Marino received his J.D. from Syracuse University College of Law where he was a member of the Justinian Hono-rary Law Society. He earned his LL.M from Georgetown University Law Center in Labor Law and his B.S. from Cornell University School of Industrial and Labor Relations. He is admitted to the New York, Virginia and District of Columbia Bars. Marino served as the past Chairman of the Virginia Bar Association's Labor and Employment Law Section. He also served as a captain in the United States Marine Corp, and as special Assistant to the General Counsel of the Navy. He is admitted to the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second, Fourth, Ninth and Eleventh Circuits.

"With a deep bench and national breadth, it was clear that Seyfarth was the ideal home for me to best serve my clients and expand my practice," said Marino . "I'm thrilled to be joining the expanding New York office of Seyfarth and look forward to working with my colleagues throughout the firm."

Seyfarth Shaw has over 775 attorneys located in nine offices throughout the United States including Atlanta , Bos-ton , Chicago , Houston , Los Angeles , New York , Sacramento , San Francisco , and Washington D.C. , as well as Brussels , Belgium.Seyfarth Shaw provides a broad range of legal services in the areas of labor and employment, em-ployee benefits, litigation and business services. The firm's practice reflects virtually every industry and segment of the country's business and social fabric. Clients include over 300 of the Fortune 500 companies, financial institutions, newspapers and other media, hotels, health care organizations, airlines and railroads. The firm also represents a number of federal, state, and local governmental and educational entities. For more information, please visit www.seyfarth.com .
Follow Seyfarth Shaw on Twitter: www.twitter.com/seyfarthshawLLP .

CONTACT: Seyfarth Shaw LLP
Mark S. Roy, Public Relations Manager
212-218-5272
mroy@seyfarth.com
or
Elisa Marks, Senior Public Relations Associate
212-218-5273
emarks@seyfarth.com

URL: http://www.businesswire.com

LOAD-DATE: April 15, 2009

Bellingham Herald, April 12, 2009, Sunday

Bellingham Herald

April 12, 2009, Sunday

Bellingham Herald

Problem with companies' labor plan? No one likes it

By LES BLUMENTHAL - McClatchy Newspapers

WASHINGTON Three high-profile companies - Starbucks, Costco and Whole Foods - are caught in the crossfire in a nasty fight over legislation that would make it easier for unions to organize.

"We pissed everyone off," Jim Sinegal, Costco's chief executive, said in an interview. "It's pretty tough. To get both sides shooting at you, you either have to be a duck or inept."

Just days after the three companies said they couldn't support the Employee Free Choice Act, also known as card check, Pennsylvania Republican Sen. Arlen Specter said he wouldn't support the bill.

The bill would allow unions to avoid secret-ballot elections and organize a workplace if a majority of employees signed authorization cards. In addition, the measure would require binding arbitration if an initial collective bargaining agreement can't be reached.

Labor had been counting on Specter's vote to break an expected filibuster to block the bill. Specter, who's facing a primary challenge next year from a conservative former congressman, said it was a "close call." He said that while he supported changes in the National Labor Relations Act, the current proposal goes too far.

Though Specter made no mention of the potential compromise suggested by the three companies, Sinegal said it may have given Specter and several moderate Democratic senators the cover they needed to oppose the measure.

"We would like to feel we influenced Specter," Sinegal said.

The measure is the top legislative priority of organized labor, and President Barack Obama has previously supported it.

Unions say it's needed because some companies delay elections and try to intimidate employees before a vote. They also say that after a union is formed, companies can drag their feet on initial collective bargaining agreements for years. Unions now represent a little more than 12 percent of the nation's work force, and labor leaders see the bill as a way to increase union membership.

The business community says the measure would give unions too much power and cost them billions of dollars in additional wages and benefits at a time of economic recession and fierce global competition. Businesses also say the measure would usurp workers' right to vote privately on the issue.

Each side has spent about $10 million so far on advertising and organizing. Labor has brought in top stars from the television show "The West Wing," including Martin Sheen, Richard Schiff and Bradley Whitford, to lobby. Business ads have featured Vincent Curatola, who played Johnny "Sack" Sacramoni on "The Sopranos," as a union boss.

In late March, Costco, of Issaquah, Wash.; Starbucks, of Seattle; and Whole Foods, of Austin, Texas, announced that they had formed the Committee for a Level Playing Field and suggested a "third way" be found to reform the nation's labor laws. The companies said they opposed ending secret-ballot elections and requiring binding arbitration for initial contracts. They acknowledged the current system was fraught with problems and suggested a time limit on holding elections and stricter penalties if a business tried to coerce its employees into opposing a union.

"We saw this thing as a train wreck," Sinegal said of the bill. "We think card check is wrong. It's not fair to employers and workers, and the arbitration requirement is crazy."

The three companies offer salaries and benefit packages that are regarded as among the best in the industry.

Despite that reputation, some labor analysts say the three companies could be among the first to face unionization if the Employee Free Choice Act became law.

"I don't know their motivation, but all three are vulnerable to unionization," said Michael Honey, a humanities professor at the University of Washington Tacoma who's written several books on labor issues.

Rick Hurd, a professor of labor studies at Cornell University, said that if the bill passes, unionizing the service sector would likely be labor's first target.

"They would be targets if EFCA passed," Hurd said of Costco, Starbucks and Whole Foods, adding that organized labor thinks that with a Democratic president and a Democratic Congress, this may be its only opportunity to pass the bill in the next 25 or 30 years.

Sinegal said the three companies are just trying to do what they consider right.

"There is no hidden agenda here," he said. "Given our companies' reputations for progressive employee policies, we thought it would be taken as an effort to bring some reason to the situation."

It wasn't.

The business community called it a sellout and ill-advised at a time when support for the bill on Capitol Hill was ebbing.

"EFCA is on life support," said Rhonda Bentz, a spokeswoman for a business group called the Coalition for a Democratic Workplace. "It makes no sense to negotiate when we are winning."

Organized labor denounced the effort by the three companies as "naive," anti-union and misguided because the fight over EFCA was far from finished.

"It's not a compromise at all," said John Goldstein of the labor group Americans Right to Work. "It was written by CEOs for CEOs. It doesn't address any of the fundamental issues that must be addressed."

Goldstein said the effort by the three companies showed a major fracture in the business community. Bentz called talk of such a division "wishful thinking."

Starbucks referred questions about EFCA to Eileen O'Connor, a spokeswoman for the Committee for a Level Playing Field.

O'Connor said the three companies thought that EFCA as currently written would be unworkable and that someone needed to explore a possible middle ground.

"We are not surprised both sides lashed out," O'Connor said. "The debate has been incredibly polarized. We are not proposing a compromise; we are proposing principles that could be used for further talks."

Business Week, April 7, 2009, Tuesday

Copyright 2009 The McGraw-Hill Companies, Inc.
All Rights Reserved

Business Week Online

April 7, 2009, Tuesday

HEADLINE: Remember Employee Engagement Amid the Chaos; No need to splurge on a team-building retreat in the Caribbean to lift morale. Instead, show workers you appreciate them

BODY:
The research didn't surprise me at all. According to a 2008 study led by Cornell University human resources professor John Hausknecht, the least satisfied workers show up more in tough times. Sure, there's a plus to covering shifts and getting basic tasks done, but there's no reason to be content with warm bodies who produce the bare minimum and drag other people down.

I'm not suggesting that big raises, bonuses, and expensive off-site, team-building events are recession-appropriate options for gaining commitment and satisfaction. Instead, I advocate proactive communication that delivers a consistent message and provides opportunities for listening, to engage employees without significant expense. My experience has been that the message is most effective when it is part of the company's culture, delivered every day. A taped statement or a single letter from the CEO will not have the desired impact; it could even backfire.

But employee engagement or not, don't we all have to put up with at least one miserable employee anyway? Only if we want to. Whining is contagious. Show me one person with bad morale, and soon it won't be hard to find a group of employees sharing a conversation about everything that's wrong with the organization.

Don't Just Complain; Do Something

Part of employee engagement is dealing with workers on an individual basis. All employees have bad mornings, days, and even weeks. I know it's important to listen to venting once in a while, but when someone constantly dumps a list of complaints at the office door, I think it's most effective to ask, "What can you do to fix the situation?" When the shocked silence ends, that individual just might look at things differently.

I have no doubt that the quickest way to alienate people is to take them out of the loop. When you keep employees in complete darkness, they spend lots of work time worrying and commiserating with others about potential outcomes.

Some organizations are more transparent than others. The most effective employers I encounter take pride in dis-seminating information, telling folks what's going on. The bare minimum includes company goals and targets and plans to reach them.

There are certainly times when even the most open companies can't tell all. I worked for an organization where we prided ourselves on openness. When the company was put up for sale, we couldn't post a list of interested buyers. While there was no "for sale" sign on the front door, we did tell employees that the company was being marketed.

No Screening

To keep them in the loop, we had comfortable town hall meetings that included updates, followed by ques-tion-and-answer periods with the employees. We also responded to questions that employees submitted anonymously in advance. The questions were read aloud for the first time at the meeting. I remember the look of near panic on the face of a senior transition manager. He was incredulous: "Don't you screen the questions first?" I'm convinced that our employees trusted our answers more because we did not prepare them in advance. If we couldn't answer a question like, "Who will the new owner be?" we simply said so.

At the same time, I discourage sweeping statements or absolutes, whether communication is tell-all or parsed in smaller bits. I bet an employer who announces, "We are pleased to say this is the last layoff," is likely to regret the statement.

A few months after some painful staff cuts, my five direct reports came into my office, closed the door, and said, "What's going on now?" During the previous weeks I had been disappearing for lengthy, closed-door executive meetings. The layoffs had not been a surprise; we told employees about the economic realities. So my staff couldn't think of any other reason I would be sequestered in a conference room. I don't remember the subject of the long meetings, but I did learn a lesson about the impact of my actions: Your staff is watching and looking for clues when your behavior changes, even when there is nothing amiss.

Seeing Through the Mission Statements

Indeed, employee engagement is not inspired by aloofness -- the detached chief executive who never learns any-one's name. I often hear about the importance of leading by example, but I think it takes a lot more than expecting employees to follow like sheep. I see the difference when management truly values individual actions that reflect and support company culture and image.

Employers may create catchy slogans, new missions, or clever tag lines to identify their company as an employer of choice -- but workers see right through these and resent them. I've heard the snickers and sly comments during the rollout of mission statement campaigns in workplaces where executive behavior contradicts the new program.

The battle for employee engagement never ends. It's an ongoing part of an effective employee culture in good times and bad. I know when we have so much on our plate, talking, listening, and sending the right message can slip way down the priority list. In my opinion, it's worth the time to keep these items closer to the top of the page. The leader who doesn't notice will be reminded by his or her employees -- or the press.

URL: http://www.businessweek.com/bwdaily/dnflash/content/apr2009/db2009043_391370.htm

LOAD-DATE: April 7, 2009

Poughkeepsie Journal, April 7, 2009, Tuesday

Copyright 2009 Poughkeepsie Journal (Poughkeepsie, NY)
All Rights Reserved
Poughkeepsie Journal (New York)

April 7, 2009, Tuesday

University outreach program names leader - Cornell Cooperative Extension Ulster County has a new family and consumer science issue leader - Mary Marsters.

The Greene County native holds a permanent New York state teacher certification in secondary sciences and a master's degree in biology from The College of Saint Rose in Albany County. She also holds a master's degree in community psychology from Russell Sage College in Albany County and is a graduate of Cornell University School of Industrial and Labor Relations program.

As an issue leader, Marsters is responsible for the Nutrition and Family Resource Management programs, including Eat Smart New York, the Expanding Food Nutrition Education Program, the Relatives as Parents Program and Energy and Financial Education programming.

Investment management firm hires group benefit administrator - New Horizons Asset Management Group, with offices in Newburgh and Wappingers Falls, recently hired Tammy Baumbach of Walden as a group benefit administrator to assist in servicing business clients.

She will coordinate processing of employee benefits, enrollments, termination and changes.

New Horizons is an investment management firm that also specializes in group employee benefits.

For information, call Steven Gleason at 845-567-3930.
ETC.
Business referral organization to host visitor's day - The Leaders Chapter of Business Network International will hold its biannual Visitors Day breakfast at 7 a.m. Wednesday at the Daily Planet in LaGrange.

Business Network International is the largest business referral organization in the world and offers business people a chance to network and pass qualified business referrals to members in a structured, professional setting.

Visit www.bni.com or www. bnihudsonvalley.com for information on Business Network International.
Call 845-724-4762 to reserve a seat for the event.
If you've got a listing for the What's New section, send your submissions to biznews@poughkeepsiejournal.com Please include the section type (promotion, award, appointment, new business, Etc.) in the subject line. Or send it by fax to 845-437-4921 or by mail to P.O. Box 1231, Poughkeepsie, NY 12601.

LOAD-DATE: April 9, 2009

The Day, New London, April 5, 2009, Sunday

The Day, New London

April 5, 2009, Sunday

The Day, New London

Better Wages, Benefits Will Come With Free Choice Act

By Greg Kotecki

Why does the country need the Employee Free Choice Act? The answer is simple, because we need to rebuild the middle class.

Unions have historically provided higher wages and benefits as compared to their non-union counterparts. According to the Center for American Progress, unionized workers earn 11.3 percent more, or $2.26 more per hour. Union workers nationwide are 28.2 percent more likely to have employer-provided health insurance and 53.9 percent more likely to have employer-provided pensions.

Unions boost wages

Workers in low-wage industries, women, African-American, and Latino workers have higher wages in unionized work places than in non-union workplaces. For all my conservative friends, these benefits are private sector not public sector and controlled by market forces not taxation.

The proposed Employee Free Choice Act (EFCA) would address the current flaws in the National Labor Relations Act (NLRA). From the beginning of NLRA, union elections were just one method used to determine majority interest in unions.

Card-check recognition was a widely accepted method used and resulted in millions of workers gaining the right to bargain collectively. This all changed in 1947 when Congress passed the Taft-Hartley Act. Taft-Hartley swung the pendulum away from workers' rights and it has never swung back. Taft-Hartley began the long succession of regulatory restrictions and hostile National Labor Relations Board decisions that have helped undermine the NLRA's stated policy of encouraging collective bargaining.

What will the legislation do? Today, millions of American workers are denied their right to form a union, because the process of voting has been corrupted. Workers that consider forming a union today face an undemocratic system and are frequently intimidated by their employer.

A new report by the Center for Economic and Policy Research finds that in 2007 at least one pro-union worker was fired during 30 percent of union-election processes.

Forced anti-union meetings

According to Cornell University Scholar Kate Bronfenbrenner's studies, 92 percent of private sector companies force employees to attend closed-door mandatory meetings to hear anti-union propaganda and 78 percent of companies require supervisors to deliver anti-union messages to workers.

The EFCA would toughen the penalties against employers who break the law. Currently, the only remedy available to illegally discharged workers is limited to what is described as a “make whole remedy.” This means that although the employer is found guilty of violating federal law, the employer's only liability is to pay the employee back wages minus any earning he/she may have earned during the period of discharge.

Understand that this process of reinstatement can take years and does not account for things like pain and suffering, loss of home, property or even the impact of bankruptcy.

The EFCA would also allow employers and/or unions to request mediation and arbitration of the first contract. Why is this necessary? Again, according to Bronfenbrenner, only 38 percent of unions certified under the current system achieve a first contract after one year and only 56 percent ever get a first contract.

Finally, the law would restore the right of the employees not employers to make the unionization decision by allowing workers to form a union through majority sign-up. Just like you can freely join your local VFW, Democratic or Republican parties employees could just sign cards and if the majority agreed the union would be certified.

Opponents argue there is the possibility of reverse intimidation from the union, but the right to decertify the union is and has always been part of the NLRA. Left unchanged by this legislation is the right of a secret-ballot election if 30 percent of employees demand a decertification election. So if the intimidation threat rings true, than the union can and will be removed.

As a former union organizer, I understand firsthand the difficulties associated with helping workers organize. I never asked a worker to sign a card “just to have an election.”

Debate about the Employee Free Choice Act comes down to one's position on the right to organize. It is not about change in the right to organize unions, it's about the right to organize them.

Our Country needs EFCA to bring back the balance lacking in the current system and to restore workplace democracy.

Buffalo Business First, April 3, 2009, Friday

Buffalo Business First

April 3, 2009, Friday

Buffalo Business First

Future grim for auto suppliers

Business First of Buffalo - by Thomas Hartley

In 30 years, Tracy DeChambeau has seen his neighborhood change from being a part of the vibrant Western New York auto industry to a ghost-like remnant of its past.

His company, Radio Equipment Corp. on Vulcan Street, is a neighbor of the General Motors engine plant and the just-closed American Axle plant on Kenmore Avenue

REC has been a supplier to both.

“We were almost like their tool crib, we were that close,” he said. “They would come to us for parts like resistors, connectors and capacitors for maintenance repair and operation.”

DeChambeau also did business with the Buffalo plant of American Axle and with Harrison Radiator – Delphi’s GM predecessor in Lockport – and sold components to employees of the plants near him who came in after work.

But much of that is gone. Time and troubles have pruned thousands of jobs from manufacturers’ payrolls, especially in the last three years. American Axle’s two plants are closed and Delphi Thermal Systems in Lockport is hanging on.

“There used to be traffic jams around here, but there’s no traffic problem now. It’s gone,” DeChambeau said of his area near River Road and Delaware Avenue. “Sometimes there are 40 employee cars now in a parking lot where there used to be 4,000.”

Like many U.S. communities where assembly and auto parts plants once offered thousands of jobs in times of war and peace, Western New York cities and towns have watched as one by one their factories went dark and the landscape became dotted with weed-choked employee parking lots.

Recession and the sharpest downturn in North American auto sales in decades continue to feed widespread anxiety and pessimism as the economic impact ripples almost daily through the Buffalo region.

Here is a sampling from recent days:

• Rick Wagoner’s forced exit as General Motors CEO on March 29 and a new 60-day government deadline for a more drastic survival plan make a GM packaged bankruptcy an “almost foregone conclusion,” predicts Buffalo lawyer Brad Birmingham, a member of the National Association of Dealer Counsel and legal representative for some Western New York auto dealerships.

• 128 more factory workers accept buyouts to leave General Motors’ Tonawanda engine plant by April 1 – about 11 percent of the facility’s shrinking hourly workforce. Salaried job cuts will start soon.

• Fiat’s CEO flies to Detroit to meet unions and creditors after U.S. authorities give the two carmakers 30 days to form a partnership to save Chrysler LLC.

• Delphi, which employs 2,100 workers at Lockport’s Delphi Thermal Systems, has languished in bankruptcy for 3 1/2 years. But a glimmer of hope surfaces with an agreement to sell Delphi’s non-core brakes and suspension businesses to Chinese buyers that might reap $100 million to help it emerge from Chapter 11.

• Ford Motor Co., which is in less-desperate straits than GM or Chrysler and unlike them has not asked for billions in government help, is using a sharp knife on its U.S. workforce. The local facility’s 867-member workforce is down from more than 1,100 last year, when company buyouts and retirement incentives for hourly workers were offered.

Arthur Wheaton, industrial education specialist with the Cornell Industrial Labor Relations School in Buffalo, is pessimistic.

He sees a much-smaller company if GM survives. The company’s new CEO says that even if it means going into bankruptcy, the automaker will meet the Obama administration’s mandate to restructure within 60 days.

“What happens to GM will determine the auto industry in the U.S. and Western New York. No question,” Wheaton says.

Together, GM and Delphi have 3,600 Buffalo-area employees and more than 80 suppliers depending on them.

Dozens of dealers also rely on GM products to sell. Included among them are some of the country’s and state’s leading dealerships – Paddock Chevrolet, Jim Ball’s Pontiac franchise and West-Herr Automotive Group’s two Saturn dealerships.

Whatever misfortune befalls General Motors also will affect a long list of supplier companies, including some in Western New York such as Republic Engineered Products and Goodyear Dunlop Tires Ltd.

“The auto industry has too much capacity. It produced 17 million units of sales a few years ago and will be lucky to crack 10 million this year,” Wheaton said. “For Goodyear, if the industry loses 7 million vehicles, you’re talking 35 million tires – four on the car and one in the trunk.”

Inside Higher Ed, April 1, 2009, Wednesday

Inside Higher Ed

April 1, 2009, Wednesday

Inside Higher Ed

New Strategy at Wisconsin

The University of Wisconsin at Madison might be called a victim of its own successes. The state’s flagship institution has recruited prominent faculty, but has been forced to enter bidding wars with wealthy private institutions just to retain them. On top of that challenge, budget cuts and cost increases have made it difficult for the university to fill positions vacated by retiring baby boomers, leaving faculty lines open and forcing the university to cut course offerings.

The challenges facing Wisconsin are systemic, and they have only been exacerbated by the economic downturn, according to Biddy Martin, who was named chancellor a little more than six months ago.

“The traditional revenue sources haven’t been able to keep pace with the cost of higher education, certainly not at a major research university,” Martin said.

It’s in this context that Martin has unveiled the “Madison Initiative for Undergraduates,” a plan that would boost tuition at the flagship campus beyond that of the rest of the system, while at the same time sparing the neediest students from those hikes and increasing their financial aid. For in-state students with family incomes of at least $80,000, a surcharge of $1,000 would be tacked onto tuition over four years, and $3,000 would be added for non-residents.

The increases would be used to hire 75 new faculty members over four years, increasing access to courses where demand often outpaces availability. Martin says the proposal is essentially a “reasonable tuition, high financial aid model.” The phrase is a twist on the “high tuition, high aid” model commonly employed by private institutions.

Ronald Ehrenberg, director of the Cornell Higher Education Research Institute and an expert on the financing of public universities, said it’s to be expected that flagship institutions will have to borrow from the private model to maintain quality in an environment of diminishing resources. That said, there are potential pitfalls.

“This [increase] is actually going to hit a relatively large fraction of the students, and the downside risk is that there may turn out to be a lot of political opposition to it,” said Ehrenberg, a professor of economics.

“There’s always sort of the fear that if you raise tuition you’re going to lose public support, and that’s going to make state appropriations go away even faster,” he added.

Students Lobbied for Support

To help drum up support from the very students who would see these tuition hikes, Martin has led something of a charm offensive. On a Tuesday evening last week, she invited about 70 students to a dinner at her home, where she laid out the specifics of the plan and touted its promised benefits. Students were given a buffet spread of chicken and pasta, and then divided up into small groups with administrators who entertained their questions and comments.

Brittany Wiegand, chair of the Associated Students of Madison, said she’s receptive to the plan, but would like to see more detail.

“I haven’t seen enough really yet of the exact figures, and the nitpicky details about the funding,” said Wiegand, who attended the chancellor's dinner.

The Badger Herald, Wisconsin’s student newspaper, endorsed the plan in an editorial, but expressed a similar desire for greater detail.

If the proposal is adopted by the Wisconsin regents in May, students have pressed the chancellor to give ongoing reports about how the money is being spent. Martin says she’s embraced the idea of maintaining a Web site that will update students and the public on expenditures, and the regents' own rules demand that there be a student representative on any oversight committee.

“I don’t think students and their families should be asked to pay more tuition … if we can’t tell them how we’re going to use it,” Martin said.

If tuition increases 5.5 percent next year across all Wisconsin campuses, as is expected, then Wisconsin residents who pay the surcharge would pay a total of $7,295 at Madison. For nonresidents, the total would be $22,045.

Wisconsin Reveals Some Uncomfortable Truths

To sell the Madison Initiative, Martin has had to be candid about some shortcomings at the institution. Offering need-based aid simply hasn't been part of the "tradition" at Wisconsin, and that's left a gap of about $20 million in annual unmet need at the university, according to Martin. The Madison Initiative is expected to provide $10 million to close the gap, and a simultaneous fund-raising effort is designed to raise the remaining $10 million.

Historically, Wisconsin has put most of its money toward funding students based on merit -- not need. In 2006-7, the university awarded $23 million in merit-based aid to undergraduates, compared with $6.5 million in need-based aid, according to university officials.

In addition to some blunt talk about unmet need on campus, Martin has outlined some of the headaches students now face because of budgetary constraints. A Wisconsin Web site devoted to the initiative gives a breakdown of the difficulty students have getting into high-demand courses. In one such economics course, for instance, an average of 200 students are frozen out each semester. Another biology class wait lists 80 people each fall. In an Introduction to Organic Chemistry class, demand exceeds capacity by 300 students every semester.

Despite the problems outlined by Martin, she maintains that quality has not “eroded” – yet.

“We have to catch the problem as it is and correct it, but I would say the quality of the education here is very, very high," she said.

The College of Letters and Sciences, where most of the undergraduate teaching takes place, has been particularly hard hit by decreasing faculty numbers. Gary Sandefur, the college’s dean, says the college now has about 840 faculty, 65 fewer than it had in the 2003-4 academic year. The college enrolls about 21,000 students.

The dwindling size of the faculty it attributable to retirements and competition with other universities, which have recruited Wisconsin faculty with gusto. Indeed, the problem of faculty “poaching” grew to the extent that the Legislature stepped in two years ago, appropriating $10 million to help retain Wisconsin faculty. While the money helps, the struggle to hang onto the best and brightest continues, Sandefur says.

“The problem is never going to go away. There’s just a lot of competition for the best faculty members,” he said. “We’re not the only institution that has to compete. It’s just a very competitive market out there.”

Much of the focus of the Madison Initiative has been on increasing course offerings, as well as the amount of time students have to interact with tenured and tenure-track faculty. But Sandefur acknowledges that the newly recruited faculty will not be asked to carry any heavier teaching responsibilities to fulfill that goal.

“This is a major research university, and the faculty we hire we will expect to be outstanding researchers,” he said. “But there will be an expectation that the availability of faculty members to teach, spend time with, supervise [and] mentor undergraduate students will be something that happens as well.”

For the students who are furthest along in their academic careers, there’s little chance the new faculty hires will be in place before graduation. Given the standard hiring season in higher education, new faculty won’t be on campus until at least the second year of the initiative. A Wisconsin alumnus made that point in a letter to The Badger Herald that called the plan "simple robbery."

“Parents, then, should not be fooled into thinking they are somehow making a direct contribution to the betterment of their own child’s education,” James Farrell, an alumnus, wrote. “The surcharge current students and parents pay will go to help those who enroll after the current students have begun paying back student loans.”

Martin acknowledges that the full benefit of the initiative may not be felt for upperclassmen. She still sees an incentive, however, for those students to support the tuition increases.

“They don’t want to be graduating from a university that they can’t in 20 or 30 years say is one of the world’s great research universities,” she said. “But it’s obviously going to be of more immediate value to some than others.”

Thursday, April 02, 2009

New York Times, April 1, 2009, Wednesday

New York Times

April 1, 2009, Wednesday

New York Times

Workers Share in the Pressure on Carmakers
By MICHELINE MAYNARD and STEVEN GREENHOUSE

DETROIT — Ron Gettelfinger, president of the United Automobile Workers union, has never worried much about deadlines.

He has bargained for days beyond contract expiration dates. And the Obama administration’s deadline came and went this week without the union budging an inch for the restructuring plans of General Motors and Chrysler.

But now he is facing deadlines that will be hard to ignore. In 60 days, President Obama’s auto task force will decide whether G.M. can restructure on its own or have to file for bankruptcy protection. A time frame of 30 days is even tighter for Chrysler, which is trying to complete a deal with Fiat of Italy.

There is virtually no chance that the companies can make the necessary cuts without the U.A.W.’s surrendering some hard-won benefits for its members.

“What we’ve worked for, for 25 years, can be gone in 25 days, basically,” said Bob Vistinar, an assembly inspector who has spent a quarter-century at the General Motors Technical Center in Warren, Mich. “That’s how fast this is moving.”

If he does not act, Mr. Gettelfinger could imperil the workers he has fought to protect. In bankruptcy, companies can seek to persuade a judge to set aside labor contracts and terminate pension plans, by making a case that they are too expensive, forcing workers to rely on smaller government-provided retirement checks. But Mr. Gettelfinger also has to persuade his members that any cuts would be vital for the companies’ survival.

Pressure is mounting. G.M.’s new chief executive, Fritz Henderson, said Tuesday it was “certainly more probable” that G.M. would file for bankruptcy. Mr. Obama, on Monday, left no question that the government would not hesitate to go that route if necessary.

One strategy under consideration, according to people familiar with the discussions, is to create a new version of G.M. that will hold its most valuable assets, leaving a company whose pieces could be sold or reorganized.

But Mr. Gettelfinger, who declined to be interviewed, shows no signs he is in any rush. That may reflect his confidence that he has at least some support from a Democratic president, and the backing of others in the labor movement.

Leo W. Gerard, president of the United Steelworkers union, said he believed Mr. Gettelfinger and his union held powerful cards.

“They’re in a unique position, in that everybody needs the support of the U.A.W. for this to succeed,” Mr. Gerard said. “They are also in a position where, if they save the auto industry, they save it for their members and for American workers.”

At G.M. and Chrysler, Mr. Gettelfinger has managed thus far to protect workers from another round of wage and benefit cuts that have already been accepted by workers at Ford Motor, which is not seeking federal assistance. The workers there made that choice to help maintain Ford’s position as the healthiest of the three Detroit auto companies.

Although long-held income guarantees for all laid-off union members are largely gone, the most veteran senior U.A.W. workers still have healthy wages and pensions, generous health care benefits (although not the fully paid premiums the union once enjoyed), ample vacation time, and cost-of-living allowances on top of hourly wages, a benefit given up at Ford.

The U.A.W., possibly in its favor, can also count two advisers to the Obama administration who, at least on paper, appear open to labor’s concerns: Ronald Bloom, a former official with the United Steelworkers who is an expert in restructuring, and Edward Montgomery, a dean at the University of Maryland who was named this week to handle matters concerning auto workers and communities with car plants.

Mr. Gettelfinger knows “he can get a better deal with the government outside bankruptcy court than he can in bankruptcy court,” said Harry C. Katz, dean of the School of Industrial and Labor Relations at Cornell. “He doesn’t want a judge making the decisions. He wants the moderate and liberal Democrats in the Obama administration to decide.”

Even in bankruptcy, though, it is not always automatic that labor contracts and pension plans are terminated — something Mr. Gettelfinger doubtless knows by studying other companies.

Although its workers granted deep cuts in other areas, Northwest Airlines froze but did not end employee pension plans while under bankruptcy protection, for example. It subsequently merged with Delta Air Lines, creating the world’s biggest airline.

Legal experts say Mr. Gettelfinger could demand government protection for worker pensions and other benefits as a condition for the U.A.W.’s support of any bankruptcy filing.

And, if the federal government were to guarantee the funds that the companies need to operate while under bankruptcy protection, as is expected, the Treasury Department could make it a condition that such benefits are left intact. Such a provision, however, might face a challenge from the auto companies’ creditors.

The concessions granted by Ford workers provide a starting point for what G.M. and Chrysler are asking from the union.

Along with cost-of-living adjustments, Ford workers lost some holiday pay and a $3,000 bonus achieved in the 2007 contract, and now earn overtime only after working 40 hours in a week, rather than after an eight-hour day. They have also lost college scholarships for their children, and thousands of dollars a year in tuition assistance (which Ford’s white-collar employees also lost).

But Ford’s situation is not as dire as those of its crosstown rivals. A crucial issue in the G.M. talks is the $20.4 billion that G.M. owes to a health care fund that will assume its enormous liability for retiree medical benefits. With the government looking over its shoulder, G.M. is likely to ask the U.A.W. for even deeper cuts.

In response, Mr. Gettelfinger might make demands of his own, like the ouster of more top G.M. executives, said Mr. Gerard, the Steelworkers’ president. Rick Wagoner stepped down as chief executive and was succeeded by Mr. Henderson.

“Why keep the people who got you into the mess in charge of getting you out of the mess?” Mr. Gerard said.

Mr. Gettelfinger will have to decide whether to support a bankruptcy filing, and beyond that, what remains sacred in the U.A.W. contract, long the envy of the labor movement, and what is expendable.

While calling him a “remarkable labor statesman,” Representative John D. Dingell of Michigan said Mr. Gettelfinger was “severely limited by what his membership will accept.”

Brett Ward, who has spent 15 years at Chrysler, said he was disheartened by the idea of more cuts. The union “told us in our last contract that this was what we had to do to make the company viable,” he said. “Two years later, they want to go in and carve it like a turkey.”

For Russ Gregg, the prospect of bankruptcy could not have come at a worse time. He retired Tuesday, after 40 years at G.M., where he helped build prototype models of future G.M. vehicles. He is worried about his pension.

“They could end up taking a big chunk,” he said, sipping on what should have been a celebratory beer in Dillard’s Tavern, a suburban bar. “The company would return, but not before a lot of lives are devastated.”

Micheline Maynard reported from Detroit and Steven Greenhouse from New York.
Mary M. Chapman contributed reporting from Detroit.

CNN, March 31, 2009, Tuesday

CNN

March 31, 2009, Tuesday

CNN

Obama taps czar to help autoworkers

Former Clinton official Ed Montgomery will focus on funneling federal funds to people and places hurt by the auto industry meltdown.

NEW YORK (CNNMoney.com) -- More pain is on the way for the people and communities that depend on the automotive industry. That's why President Obama has appointed an autoworker czar to look out for them.

Acknowledging that the sweeping government-led overhaul will likely mean more job losses, Obama Monday named a former deputy labor secretary to help direct federal funds to those hardest hit by the industry's meltdown.

Ed Montgomery, a dean at the University of Maryland who served in the Clinton administration, was appointed director of recovery for auto communities and workers. An economist specializing in job training and local development, Montgomery is charged with making sure displaced employees and struggling towns have access to federal stimulus funds and assistance.

The industry has shed more than 400,000 jobs over the past year, which has devastated company towns throughout Michigan, Ohio, Indiana and elsewhere.

"I will not pretend the tough times are over," Obama said in announcing the restructuring. Montgomery "will direct a comprehensive effort that will help lift up the hardest-hit areas by using the unprecedented levels of funding available in our Recovery Act and throughout our government to create new manufacturing jobs and new businesses where they're needed most -- in your communities."

Exactly what Montgomery can accomplish remains to be seen.

One of his main tasks will be to use the economic development and job retraining funds from the $787 billion federal stimulus package to assist autoworkers and communities that rely on the industry.

Also, Montgomery will collaborate with federal and state officials and lawmakers to develop initiatives to assist areas in revitalizing their economies. And he'll use existing job retraining programs -- such as the Workforce Investment Act, which he helped create -- to support workers.

Marshalling stimulus funds

Under the stimulus program, states will receive billions of dollars to build new roads and other infrastructure projects -- creating millions of jobs -- and to keep vital state services intact.

Michigan, for instance, is expected to receive about $7 billion with the aim of creating 109,000 jobs. The state at the center of the automotive crisis also suffers from the country's highest unemployment rate, which hit 12% in February.

Experts say Montgomery will have plenty to do. While the companies, unions and state officials aid people on the ground, the recovery director will serve as their mouthpiece in the nation's capital.

"This guy could help marshal federal policy in Washington to help workers,"said Andy Levin, deputy director of Michigan's Department of Energy, Labor and Economic Growth. Obama "will have someone at his end making sure the most aggressive measure are taken to help the autoworkers."

Montgomery, who serves on the president's auto task force and taught at Michigan State University in the late 1980s, referred an interview request to the White House, which declined.

Thanks to his past service in the Department of Labor, Montgomery is very familiar with federal funding for job retraining programs, said Bob Simoneau, deputy executive director of the National Association of State Workforce Agencies. These initiatives are also getting a boost from the stimulus program. The Workforce Investment Act, for instance, is receiving $1.25 billion for dislocated worker employment and training, while states can apply for millions of dollars in additional grant money.

The stimulus program also provides hundreds of millions of dollars to communities affected by foreign trade. They can use the funds to develop strategic plans to revamp their economies and to aid community colleges in developing or improving training programs for displaced workers.

Utilizing available resources

Montgomery can help make sure those affected are aware of the resources available to them. Though autoworkers have had access to training programs for decades, few of them take advantage of the opportunity, said Art Wheaton, industry education specialist at Cornell University's School of Industrial and Labor Relations.

Even those who enter the programs don't always stick with them. In the past, workers often would leave school to return to the industry when it revived. That return isn't likely to happen this time so the jobless need to partake in the retraining so they can find new careers, said Donald Grimes, senior research associate at the University of Michigan.

Across the nation, the unemployed are enrolling in retraining programs to find work in industries that are holding up in the recession, such as health care and education.

"People who used to work in the manufacturing plants won't find jobs like that again," Grimes said. "They need to get a new start in a field that's growing."

The stimulus package is also pouring money into creating jobs in new technologies and energy production. Montgomery's tasks include attracting defense, research and green industries to the Rust Belt, according to the White House.

In naming Montgomery, Obama is also sending a message to those who have been -- and will be -- affected by the reinvention of the American auto industry that he is concerned about more than just the companies' survival, experts said.

"It's a symbol more than anything else that he cares about the people being displaced," said Robert Scott, senior international economist at the Economic Policy Institute.

Buffalo News, March 31, 2009, Tuesday

Copyright 2009 The Buffalo News

All Rights Reserved

Buffalo News (New York)

March 31, 2009, Tuesday

CENTRAL EDITION

HEADLINE: Countdown begins for automakers; Obama, in ultimatum, warns GM, Chrysler of need for quick action

BYLINE: By Matt Glynn - NEWS BUSINESS REPORTER

BODY:

President Obama brought the hammer down Monday on General Motors and Chrysler, demanding more aggressive restructuring and rejecting the plans that the automakers submitted for more financial aid.

To underscore his point, his administration forced out GM's chief executive officer, Rick Wagoner, and gave GM an additional 60 days to work with the White House's automobile industry task force on plans to remake itself. Chrysler was given an additional 30 days to clear hurdles to a partnership with Italian automaker Fiat SpA.

"We cannot and must not, and we will not let our auto industry simply vanish," Obama said. "We cannot continue to excuse poor decisions. We cannot make the survival of our auto industry dependent on an unending flow of taxpayer dollars."

Stocks tumbled on the developments; the Dow Jones industrial average lost 254 points to close at 7,522.

GM's fate resonates in Western New York, where the company has a 1,300-job engine plant in the Town of Tonawanda, and suppliers such as Delphi's Lockport plant depend heavily on GM's survival. Both GM and Chrysler also have strong local ties through auto dealerships.

Obama said GM will receive "adequate working capital" over the next 60 days as it works with the administration's team to assess whether GM has consolidated enough brands and its debt load so it could qualify for more aid. GM has already received $13.4 billion in government loans and was seeking $16.6 billion more, while Chrysler has received $4 billion and wanted $5 billion more.

The president also warned that if GM or Chrysler failed, a structured bankruptcy was a possibility for them to clear away debts and get back on their feet.

At the same time, Obama sought to quell fears that a bankruptcy filing would scare off car and truck buyers. He pledged that the government would now stand behind warranties issued by GM and Chrysler.

Wagoner's successor as CEO, Frederick A. "Fritz" Henderson, who was GM's president and chief operating officer, said there was a greater risk that GM will have to reorganize through bankruptcy because of greater demands from the government to get debt off its balance sheet.

Obama said GM and Chrysler will need more cooperation from the United Auto Workers, bondholders and other stakeholders to succeed in restructuring.

The president also created a new position -- director of recovery for auto communities and workers -- to help communities that suffer from auto industry plant closings and layoffs.

But in a conference call with reporters, senior Obama administration officials spelled out few details about the effort to help such communities.

They did not specify the criteria by which communities will qualify for the aid. But they did say the program -- to be headed by Edward B. Montgomery, a former senior official in the Labor Department in the Clinton administration -- will harness existing programs and resources to target them where they are needed most.

Montgomery's job will be "to cut through red tape and ensure that the full resources of our federal government are leveraged to assist the workers, communities and regions that rely on our auto industry," Obama said.

As part of the effort, one program typically reserved for workers who lost their jobs to foreign trade, Trade Adjustment Assistance, will be expanded to the auto industry.

The program provides laid-off workers job training, cash assistance and other benefits.

Obama said Wagoner's resignation reflected his administration's desire for "new vision and new direction" for GM and should not be seen as a condemnation of Wagoner, the CEO since June 2000.

Just two weeks ago, Wagoner told reporters that he considered the Tonawanda engine plant safe from closure amid the restructuring.

Without Wagoner in charge, and some of GM's board members being replaced, will the automaker's view of the Tonawanda plant change? Industry analysts said it was difficult to answer that question, especially with the government demanding a more extensive restructuring by GM.

"It makes things locally even murkier, if that's possible," said Patrick M. Heraty, a professor of business administration at Hilbert College. "I just think there's no way to know how this is all going to shake out."

The president is calling for GM to get leaner, Heraty said. "We know that GM, in an effort to optimize floor space, has been moving around products and operations," he said. "There is just no way of knowing how much further they have to go to satisfy the requirements of the government."

Arthur C. Wheaton, director of labor studies at Cornell University's School of Industrial and Labor Relations in Buffalo, said the assurances offered by Wagoner may no longer be valid since he is leaving as CEO. But determining which plants might be vulnerable -- and whether more of them are now at risk -- is still hard to do, he said.

Wheaton said some elements of Obama's announcement should be encouraging to the Tonawanda plant's work force: the government's pledge to stand behind GM warranties, and its plans to stimulate sales, such as by accelerating the purchase of government vehicles.

Paul Lacy, who analyzes powertrain operations for IHS Global Insight, said his organization isn't forecasting the Tonawanda plant as a target for closing. But he cited some concerns about its operations, such as production volumes that are far below its capacity of 1 million engines per year.

"They're going to be lucky if they make 500,000" engines this year, Lacy said.

Lacy said the Tonawanda plant's best long-term hopes lie in GM's reviving plans for a diesel engine line that was set to go into production this year. GM has delayed that program indefinitely but says the Tonawanda site is still its choice for making it.

Officials at GM's Tonawanda plant declined to comment on Monday's developments at the automaker. Meanwhile, the size of the Tonawanda plant's work force continues to shrink. As many as 128 hourly workers are taking buyouts. And GM is making cuts to its U.S. salaried work force that are expected to touch the River Road site. The exact number is not yet known.

As Wagoner exits, the 56-year-old executive may be eligible for pensions valued at $20.2 million as of the end of 2008, according to a regulatory filing. He is not eligible for severance pay.

At Chrysler, Chairman Robert L. Nardelli sought to assure customers, dealers, suppliers and employees that the automaker "will operate 'business as usual' over the next 30 days" while working closely with the government and Fiat to secure the support of stakeholders.

Senate Majority Leader Harry Reid, D-Nev., commended Obama for his "firm resolve" with GM and Chrysler, and said Congress also "will not give these companies a blank check."

However, Sen. Bob Corker, R-Tenn., who led a Republican revolt against auto bailouts late last year, was not impressed.

"This is a marked departure from the past, truly breathtaking," he said, "and should send a chill through all Americans who believe in free enterprise."

News Washington Bureau Chief Jerry Zremski, the Associated Press and Bloomberg News contributed to this report.

e-mail: mglynn@buffnews.com

GRAPHIC: Getty Images President Obama forces out GM's CEO, imposes 30- and 60-day timetables.

LOAD-DATE: March 31, 2009

Business Wire, March 31, 2009, Tuesday

Copyright 2009 Business Wire, Inc.
Business Wire

March 31, 2009, Tuesday

HEADLINE: Impellam Group plc Appoints Mark Rybarczyk as Vice President, Human Resourcesof CORESTAFF Services, Other Impellam North American Entities

DATELINE: HOUSTON

BODY:
UK-based Impellam Group plc ( www.impellam.com ) appoints Mark Rybarczyk as vice president, Human Re-sources of Impellam's North American business operations, which include CORESTAFF Services ( www.corestaff.com ) and other staffing companies. Rybarczyk is based in Houston and assumes his new position on March 31, 2009.

"I'm pleased to welcome Mark into his new role," said Jim Boone, Impellam Group's North American president and chief executive officer. "His breadth of knowledge about all aspects of human resources combined with his execu-tive-level management experience makes him a valuable leader and resource for a human capital services provider like CORESTAFF. I look forward to his contributions."

Rybarczyk brings 29 years of experience in human resources and executive management to his new role. Most re-cently, Rybarczyk was one of the original partners of Nosal Partners, where he served as managing partner, Southwest region, helping to develop and execute the firm's strategic focus, market positioning, and business plan. Prior to that, he was with Bisys Group Inc. (acquired by Citigroup and J.C. Flowers) for 16 years as executive vice president, Human Resources, serving on the executive committee during a period of strong revenue growth. He fulfilled a broad range of merger and acquisition responsibilities and recruited across 50 diverse geographies for hard-to-find skill sets and execu-tive-level positions. He also designed and administered benefits, payroll services and human resource information sys-tems, and worked with the executive team on organizational design and structure, among a wide range of other human resources-related activities. Rybarczyk has also worked for Automatic Data Processing (ADP) and Shell Oil Company.

Rybarczyk is an active member of the Society for Human Resource Management, Global Equity Organization and World at Work. He graduated from Hamilton College with a Bachelor of Arts degree and earned his Master's degree in Industrial and Labor Relations (MILR) from Cornell University. He is also an accredited Certified Employee Benefits Specialist (CEBS) through the Wharton School.

About CORESTAFF Services
CORESTAFF Services is one of the top 50 largest national staffing firms in America with offices in 21 states. CORESTAFF employs more than 36,000 temporary workers annually and operates over 100 offices throughout the United States.

CORESTAFF also operates as TeleSec CORESTAFF in the Washington, DC, area and Leafstone Staffing Services in the New York City metropolitan area. CORESTAFF is not affiliated with Core Staffing Services, Inc., which operates in the New York Metro Area. CORESTAFF is headquartered in Houston, Texas. Please visit CORESTAFF Services at www.corestaff.com .
About Impellam

Impellam Group plc is the parent company of CORESTAFF Services. Based in the UK, Impellam operates across a broad range of staffing sectors and is complemented by businesses in the outsourced support services sector.

In addition to its CORESTAFF locations in the United States, Impellam operates offices throughout the United Kingdom, Australia, New Zealand, Ireland and Switzerland.
For more information on Impellam, please visit www.impellam.com .

URL: http://www.businesswire.com

LOAD-DATE: April 1, 2009

Plain Dealer, March 31, 2009, Tuesday

Copyright 2009 Plain Dealer Publishing Co.

Plain Dealer (Cleveland)

March 31, 2009, Tuesday

Final Edition; All Editions


HEADLINE: Lobbyists tackle bill on union organizing; Labor touts benefits; business fears costs

BYLINE: Sabrina Eaton, Olivera Perkins and Janet H. Cho, Plain Dealer Reporters

BODY:

Jason Kent and his former bosses at Thompson Heating and Air Conditioning in Warren disagree on whether his Dec. 17 dismissal was just another layoff related to Northeast Ohio's recession or an illegal firing related to Kent's drive to form a union at the company.

But both sides in the dispute agree on at least one thing: A bill in Washington called the Employee Free Choice Act would make it dramatically easier for workers like Kent to form unions at their companies, and harder for businesses like Thompson to fight back.

That's why the legislation, slated for a vote later this year, is the focus of heated lobbying by unions and businesses in Ohio and across the country. For both sides, it's a top priority.

"My viewpoint is that it should not be passed," said Tim Wood, a veteran Cleveland labor lawyer who represents Thompson in National Labor Relations Board disputes with Kent and his union. "What they're really trying to do is make it easier for unions to organize contrary to the rights of employees who don't feel they need to pay a union for representation."

Small-business owners say the higher cost of union labor could put them out of business, while larger employers say unionization would boost unemployment because companies that pay more for union salaries and benefits would hire fewer workers.

Kent and representatives of his union, Sheet Metal Workers International Local 33, said current laws make it too easy for employers to harass workers who want to form unions and then refuse to negotiate a contract if a union is formed. They say increased unionization would strengthen the middle class and help revive the economy by boosting workers' purchasing power.

"There is nobody really backing up the working class at this point in time," said Kent, 32, who is trying to support his pregnant wife and 17-month-old daughter by doing odd jobs while the labor board investigates his case.

The Employee Free Choice Act would allow unions to be recognized if a majority of workers sign union cards, and it would remove employers' current right to demand that workers instead hold a secret-ballot election to ratify a union.

Richard Hurd, a professor of labor studies at Cornell University, said the current secret-ballot elections allow employers to campaign against the union in the workplace but shut organizers out of that venue.

Hurd likened it to a political election in which "one candidate could present his view anytime he wants, and the people have to sit there and listen to him. The other candidate could only get his view across if he is able to track down people and talk to them on their free time."

Hurd said employees are fired in at least one of every five organizing campaigns and that companies found guilty of firing workers for union activity only have to pay them back wages, minus whatever the employees made at their new jobs. The Employee Free Choice Act would require guilty employers to pay illegally fired workers triple their lost salaries, as well as civil penalties of up to $20,000 per violation.

Even when unions win an election to organize, getting the first contract can be difficult. Hurd said only 40 percent of companies in which employees vote for unions get collective-bargaining agreements. The proposed law would give employers and workers 120 days to reach a contract before a federal arbitrator steps in to set terms.

Safeyyah Edwards, an instructor at the American Red Cross Northern Ohio Blood Services Region and a steward with Teamsters Local 507, said that when her union started organizing in 2003, workers had to rely on phones, e-mail and weekend meetings, while management met with workers on the job. Though employees voted for a union in 2004, they didn't get a contract until 2007. She says the organization purposely stalled negotiations.

Christy Chapman, a spokeswoman for Red Cross blood services, said her organization did not block employees from hearing all sides. She declined to comment on the contract negotiations.

"We did not comment on how anyone should vote, and we told them we would stand behind their decision no matter what it was," Chapman said.

Battle for bill is in Senate

Labor advocates in Washington have sought the Employee Free Choice Act for years. It passed the House of Representatives in 2007 and is considered a shoo-in for House passage again this year. Every Ohio Democrat currently co-sponsors the bill.

The battle this year will be in the Senate, where Democrats previously fell short of the 60 votes they needed to consider the bill over objections from Republicans. Democratic Majority Leader Harry Reid said he believes he can corral 60 votes this year, but he isn't likely to bring up the bill before fall. One reason for the delay is the prospect that Democrats will pick up an extra vote if a contested U.S. Senate race in Minnesota is resolved in favor of Al Franken.

The bill's chances were hurt when Sen. Arlen Specter of Pennsylvania, the only Republican who previously backed considering the measure, publicly announced his opposition last week. Labor leaders said they would continue to push for passage.

"I think it has a good chance to become law," said Ohio Democratic Sen. Sherrod Brown, who believes it would strengthen the middle class by boosting unionization. "This is a high priority for all of us here."

Ohio Republican Sen. George Voinovich said he opposes the bill because secret ballots ensure that workers aren't joining unions because of peer pressure. He also believes it's unfair to set a 120-day deadline for contract negotiations before arbitration kicks in.

"Traditionally, the parties to a contract come to a meeting of the minds on the contract's terms and conditions - after significant give and take," Voinovich explained. "Having a third party with the ability to impose terms and conditions that neither party may want turns this long-standing principle on its head."

Outlook changes with administrations

U.S. Chamber of Commerce Vice President Randy Johnson said many members of Congress are reconsidering their support for the bill because they saw it as a "free vote" in 2007, when they knew former President George W. Bush would veto it if it passed. Now that President Barack Obama - who backs the bill - is in the White House, Johnson said the business community has launched a huge grass-roots effort against the legislation that includes ads and outreach by business leaders throughout the country.

"This is certainly the biggest turnout of solid opposition from the business community I've seen in a long time," Johnson said. "We are not going to turn over our workplaces to have government-appointed arbitrators tell us how to run our businesses."

Although Johnson said he doubts the bill's backers will obtain the 60 Senate votes, AFL-CIO government affairs director Bill Samuel is optimistic.

"The state of the economy has helped focus attention on the plight of workers and the fact that declining union membership has made it difficult for workers to keep up," Samuel said.

Although unions say they expect the business lobby will outspend them, Samuel said unions will mount a grass-roots mobilization effort for the bill "picking up where we left off in the campaign leading up to the November election."

In the Cleveland area, those

activities included a 100-person demonstration Monday on Public Square and planned door-to-door canvassing in Lakewood, probably in April, said North Shore AFL-CIO Federtion of Labor head Harriet Applegate.

Local business owners, including Stewart Unsdorfer, president of Central Heating and Air Conditioning Co. in Richmond Heights, have mobilized against the bill. Unsdorfer has written letters and e-mails to his legislators and signed petitions against it.

He said any unionization effort at his company "would probably put me out of business" because he would have to hire a lawyer, a major expense for a 13-employee business like his.

A. Malachi Mixon III, chairman and chief executive of Invacare Corp., said his company is one of the largest "union-free" companies in Northeast Ohio, with more than 6,000 employees worldwide and about 1,400 workers in Elyria and North Ridgeville. "We've always been a union target," he said.

"We provide very competitive wages and benefits in one of the cleanest and safest facilities in Northeast Ohio," Mixon said. "Our people don't feel they need a third party involved.

"I've always said that if a company has a union, it's because it had bad management somewhere in its history."

To reach these Plain Dealer reporters:

seaton@plaind.com, 216-999-4212

operkins@plaind.com, 216-999-4868

jcho@plaind.com, 216-999-5069

BOX

Aspects of the act

Under the Employee Free Choice Act, if a newly recognized union can't agree to a labor contract with an employer within 120 days, the dispute would be referred to arbitration. The contract arrived at by the arbitrator would bind the parties for two years.

The act would require employers who illegally fire workers for union activity to pay the workers triple their lost salaries, as well as civil penalties of up to $20,000 per violation. Currently, guilty employers only have to pay those workers back wages, minus what the employee made at his or her new job.

What supporters say

Allowing workers to form unions through a sign-up process is fairer than secret balloting, because employers manipulate the elections by keeping union organizers from campaigning at their companies while managers make unlimited on-the-job overtures to employees.

Its arbitration provision would guarantee that companies can't drag their feet in negotiating an initial contract.

Increased penalties would prevent employers from illegally harassing and firing employees who want to form unions.

What opponents say

The National Labor Relations Board's secret-ballot election process already is democratic.

Without a secret ballot, union organizers can bully workers into signing union cards. Allowing card checks would violate the rights of workers who don't want unions.

It would be unfair for an arbitrator to impose an employment contract on a company after just 120 days of negotiations.

The higher cost of union labor would hurt businesses.

BOX

What is the Employee Free Choice Act?

The Employee Free Choice Act would make it easier for employees to form unions by giving them a choice of a majority sign-up or a secret-ballot election and would eliminate employers' current power to decide which process is used.

How the law would work and what both sides say.

LOAD-DATE: April 1, 2009